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 The Animal Atlas: A Pictorial Guide to
the World's Wildlife D.K. Publishing

Author: D.K. Publishing

ISBN: 978-1465490972
ID: 66063

Description
Explore the incredible diversity of the animal kingdom with this beautifully illustrated atlas.
Featuring detailed maps and stunning photography, this guide takes readers on a
continent-by-continent journey to discover wildlife habitats, behaviors, and conservation
status. Perfect for nature enthusiasts of all ages, this comprehensive reference covers
mammals, birds, reptiles, amphibians, and marine life across Earth's ecosystems.

Table of Contents
• Introduction: The Animal Kingdom
• North America
• South America
• Europe
• Africa
• Asia
• Australia and Oceania
• Polar Regions
• Oceans and Seas
• Animal Behavior and Adaptations
• Conservation and Endangered Species
• Glossary and Index

Keywords
animal atlas, wildlife guide, zoology, animal habitats, world wildlife, nature reference,
illustrated encyclopedia, conservation, geographic distribution, DK publishing
Animal
The

Atlas
A Pictorial Guide to the World’s Wildlife

Illustrated by Kenneth Lilly

Written by Barbara Taylor
 Contents
REVISED EDITION
4 How to Use This Atlas
Managing Editors Christine Stroyan, Kingshuk Ghoshal
Managing Art Editors Anna Hall, Govind Mittal
Senior Art Editor Vikas Chauhan
5 Animal Groups
Project Art Editor Renata Latipova
Editors Abigail Mitchell, Virien Chopra 6 Animal Habitats
US Executive Editor Lori Cates Hand
Producer, Pre-Production Kavita Varma
Senior Producer Jude Crozier
8 The Arctic
DTP Designers Bimlesh Tiwary, Anita Yadav
Senior Picture Researcher Surya Sankash Sarangi
Consultant Derek Harvey

FIRST EDITION
north america
10
Project Editor Susan Peach Art Editor Richard Czapnik
Designer Marcus James Production Teresa Solomon Fo r e s t s , L a k e s ,
Managing Editor Ann Kramer Art Director Roger Priddy
Consultants Michael Chinery MA and Keith Lye BA, FRGS a n d Pr a i r i e s
This American Edition, 2020
First American Edition, 1992
Published in the United States by DK Publishing
1 2 The Rockies
1450 Broadway, Suite 801, New York, NY 10018
Copyright © 1992, 2020 Dorling Kindersley Limited
1 4 We s t e r n D e s e r t s
1 6 The Everglades
DK, a Division of Penguin Random House LLC
20 21 22 23 24 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
001–316676–May/2020
All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under the copyright reserved
above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in or introduced 1 8 Central America
into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form, or by any means (electronic,
mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise), without the prior written
permission of the copyright owner.
Published in Great Britain by Dorling Kindersley Limited.
A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.
south america
2 0 The Galápagos
ISBN 978-1-4654-9097-1
DK books are available at special discounts when purchased
in bulk for sales promotions, premiums, fund-raising, or educational use.
For details, contact: DK Publishing Special Markets,
1450 Broadway, Suite 801, New York, NY 10018 2 2 The Andes
SpecialSales@[Link]
Printed and bound in China

A WORLD OF IDEAS:
SEE ALL THERE IS TO KNOW

[Link]
24 Amazon Rainforest 4 6 The Himalayas
26 T h e Pa m p a s 4 8 T h e Fa r E a s t
5 0 Southeastern Asia
europe and India
2 8 C o n i f e r Fo r e s t s
3 0 Wo o d l a n d s australasia
3 2 Southern Europe 52 The Outback
54 R a i n f o r e s t s a n d Wo o d s
africa
56 The Barrier Reef
34 The Sahara
5 7 Ta s m a n i a
36 Rainforests and Lakes
5 8 New Zealand
38 The Savannah
5 9 Antarctica
40 Madagascar
6 0 Amazing Animals
asia
6 2 Animals in Danger
42 Siberia
6 4 Index
44 Deserts and Steppe
Discover thousands of test banks and solution manuals at
[Link] – and enjoy exclusive offers today.
 How to Use This Atlas
Each double-page spread in this atlas covers a the continents—North America, South America, Europe,
particular type of habitat (the place where an animal Africa, Asia, Australasia, and Antarctica. The heading
lives). For example, the spread shown below is about at the top of each page tells you which section you are in.
European conifer forests. Habitats are arranged by Below you can see what the maps and symbols on each
continent, and there is a section in the book for each of spread show, and what the abbreviations stand for.

Where on Earth? Wild cat Latin names Length: up to How big?

(Felis silvestris) 1.6 in (4 cm)
This globe shows you where Scientists have given each species of animal a Latin Labels next to
in the world the habitat name, so that people all over the world can use the same name, no each animal give the animal’s vital
featured on the spread is matter what language they speak. An animal’s Latin name is divided statistics: its height, length, or
situated and its rough extent. into two parts. The first part is a group name given to a number of wingspan. Like people, animals
On this page, for example, the similar animals. For example, Felis is the group name given to all of the same species vary in size,
red color shows the area small cats. The second part of the name identifies the particular so the measurement can only be
covered by the European species of animal and often describes one of its specific characteristics. approximate. Individual animals may
conifer forests. The full name for the wild cat shown here is Felis silvestris, be bigger or smaller than this size.
which means “cat of the woods.”

EUROPE EUROPE

Conifer Forests
Eaten alive Giant ichneumon (Rhyssa persuasoria)
Length: up to 1.6 in (4 cm)
The female giant ichneumon lays
Fish snatcher her eggs next to the larvae of wood
The osprey feeds on fish wasps, which the young grubs feed
that it snatches from on when they hatch. Because wasp
A thick band of dense evergreen lakes. It has long, sharp larvae tunnel deep inside tree trunks,
claws and horny spines the ichneumon drills through the
forest stretches across the northern under its toes, which wood with an egg-laying tube,
parts of Europe, covering large areas of enable it to grip a which is 1.5 in (4 cm) long.
Scotland and Scandinavia. There are slippery fish. An adult
smaller evergreen forests farther south, osprey can carry a fish
weighing up to 4.5 lbs
such as the Black Forest in Germany and (2 kg). In the fall, the
the Ardennes in Belgium. The most common trees in osprey migrates to Africa, Antler fights
these forests are conifers (trees that have cones), such as where the weather is In the fall mating season,
pines, spruces, and firs. In recent years, acid rain, which warmer and there are called the rut, the male red
is especially harmful to trees with needlelike leaves, has plenty of fish for it to eat. deer fights rival males with Western
capercaillie
damaged many European conifer forests. his antlers to win females for (Tetrao urogallus)
mating. He sheds his antlers Length: up to
Animals that live in these forests Osprey (Pandion haliaetus) each spring. New ones grow 3 ft 9 in (1.15 m)
have to survive in a severe climate. Length: up to 2 ft 1 in (64 cm)
in time for the next mating
Wingspan: up to 5 ft 9 in (1.7 m)
The winters are bitterly cold, but season.
most conifer trees keep their Dancing display
leaves year round and provide In spring, the male capercaillie puts on a display
some shelter. Some forest animals, such
Western red deer
(Cervus elaphus) Flying acrobat to attract females. He fans out his tail, points his
as the stoat, grow white coats in the winter
Height at shoulder: up to 4 ft 3 in (1.3 m) The pine marten is an acrobatic neck upward, and makes odd gurgling sounds.
Body length: up to 8 ft 9 in (2 m)
and swift nighttime hunter. It He may even jump and clap his wings. Displaying
so that they are camouflaged against the snow. has strong legs, broad pads, capercaillies are very aggressive and will threaten
Other animals, such as the wood ant, hibernate and long claws that help it deer, sheep, or even humans who disturb them.
during the winter, while some birds, such as the Smelly protection climb, and its bushy tail helps
osprey, migrate south to warmer places. it balance. It eats many
If it is threatened, the polecat European pine marten
things, from small birds to
Northern produces a foul-smelling liquid (Martes martes)
long-eared owl rats, beetles, and fruit. It Body length: up to 23 in (58 cm)
from glands under its tail. The
(Asio otus) hunts on the ground and
polecat also uses this scent to
Long ears Length: up to 16 in (40 cm)
Wingspan: up to mark its territory. Polecats do
in the trees.
The brown long-eared bat’s huge ears are 3 ft 3 in (1 m) not hibernate, and hunt for
three-quarters the length of its body. They small mammals all year round.
are so big that a young bat cannot hold
its ears up straight until it is old enough Polecat (Mustela putorius)
Body: up to
to fly. The bat feeds on moths, midges, 18 in (46 cm)
and flies. During the cold winter
months, it hibernates in a cave.
A
I
False ears Winters in the forests are bitterly
V

cold, with snow covering the

Underground city The “ears” of the northern ground for up to half the year.
A

Wood ant (Formica long-eared owl are only

Wood ants build huge nests
N

rufa) Length: up to
on the forest floor from 0.35 in (0.9 cm) tufts of feathers—its ear
I

pine needles and other openings are on the sides of

its head. It hunts at night
D

EUROPEAN
Brown long-eared bat plant material. Nests keep the Lake
ants warm in winter, when they hibernate using its sharp eyesight and OSPREY
PINE MARTEN RED
Onega
N

(Plecotus auritus) CROSSBILL

Wingspan: up to 11 in (28 cm)
in the soil beneath the mound. When good hearing to find small
mammals on the floor.
A

threatened, a wood ant sprays its enemy

with a stinging liquid called formic acid
C

Lake
Ladoga
from glands on its abdomen. WILD CAT
S

Wild cat (Felis silvestris)

N O R T H
Body length: up to 2 ft 5 in (74 cm) S E A
Tail: up to 14.5 in (37 cm)
Red crossbill
WESTERN
(Loxia curvirostra)
CAPERCAILLIE NORTHERN
Length: up to 7.8 in
(20 cm) LONG-EARED OWL
Crossed beak
The crossbill uses its WOOD ANT
crossed beak to tear open B R I T I S H B A LT I C
GIANT
pine cones, so it can lick out I S L E S The many lakes in the northern ICHNEUMON
the seeds. Adult crossbills European forests provide animals SEA BROWN
with places to drink. LONG-EARED BAT
regurgitate partly digested
seeds to feed their young.
Stripey tail Every few years, crossbills move POLECAT

The wild cat is closely related to the out of their normal breeding areas W
is
domestic cat, but it is slightly bigger and invade other parts of Europe. la

and has a thicker tail with black rings If conditions are good, they may KILOMETERS
0 ISH CHANNEL
N O R T H E R N
100 200 300 400 ENGL
on it. The wild cat hunts at night for settle in the new area for one or Many European conifer forests have
de
small mammals, birds, and insects. The more seasons. 0 100 200 been planted by people and are
O

r
forests provide it with cover for hunting.
MILES ARDENNES
FOREST E U R O P E harvested for their timber.

WESTERN
28 RED DEER BLACK
FOREST
Danu
be
29

ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE BOOK Scale Animal symbols Map Photos

You can use this The animal symbols The map shows the area of the The photographs
mm millimeter sq mile square mile scale to figure on the map show habitat featured on the spread around the map
cm centimeter kph kilometers
out the size of the the main area where the and surrounding regions. On show you what the
per hour area shown on animals can be found, these pages, for example, the map habitat looks like
in inch
mph miles per hour
the map. The maps but some animals are shows a large part of Europe, and what sort of
m meter in the book have widely distributed over covering the conifer forests and vegetation can be
ft foot
kg kilogram been drawn to the whole region. There the areas around them. The map found there.
lb pound different scales. is one symbol for each also shows major geographic
km kilometer of the animals illustrated features in the region, and where
˚C centigrade
sq km square on the spread. the animals live. You can see the
kilometer ˚F fahrenheit shape and position of the forests
themselves on the globe in the
top-left corner of the page.

4
Animal Groups
About a million different kinds of animals have been They move, breathe, feed, grow, have young, and respond
discovered and described so far, but there are probably to changes in their surroundings. To make animals easier to
three or four times as many that people have never studied study, biologists divide them into a number of groups. The
or named. Animals have several features in common. main groups are shown below.

Invertebrates Fish
Invertebrates (animals without Fish were the first group of vertebrates
backbones) were the first animals to evolve from invertebrates about 500
to evolve on Earth, between 600 and million years ago. There are more than
1,000 million years ago. Hundreds 30,000 species alive today—about the
of thousands of species are alive same as all the mammals, birds,
today, and they far outnumber the reptiles, and amphibians put
vertebrates (animals with backbones). together. Examples include
Invertebrates come in many different butterflyfish and sharks.
shapes and sizes, including corals,
jellyfish, insects, snails, spiders, crabs, Characteristics of fish: Butterflyfish
centipedes, and worms.
Monarch butterfly • adapted to live in water
Characteristic • absorb oxygen from the water
through gills; a few have lungs as well
of invertebrates: • have fins to help them swim
• do not have a backbone • bodies are usually covered
with scales
Desert
tarantula Blue shark

Amphibians Reptiles
Amphibians evolved from fishes more Reptiles evolved from
than 350 million years ago. There are amphibians about 300
more than 7,000 species alive today, million years ago. More
including frogs, toads, and salamanders. than 10,000 species are alive
Collared lizard
today, including lizards,
Characteristics of amphibians: snakes, tortoises, turtles, and
crocodiles. The dinosaurs were
• adults live mainly on land, but breed in water also reptiles.
• cannot maintain a constant body temperature
• skin is usually soft with no scales Japanese giant Characteristics of reptiles:
• life cycle is usually in three stages: egg,
larva (or tadpole), and adult
salamander
• cannot maintain a constant body
temperature; may sleep through very
• tadpoles breathe through gills at first;
adults breathe through lungs
hot or very cold weather
• have dry, scaly skin, sometimes
with bony plates for protection Western
diamondback
• most live and breed on land rattlesnake

Green toad • breathe with lungs

Birds Mammals
Birds evolved from reptiles Mammals evolved from reptiles about
about 140 million years 200 million years ago, during the age
ago. There are more than of the dinosaurs. There are nearly
10,000 species alive today, 6,000 species alive today, including
including parrots, eagles, penguins, kiwis, kangaroos, rats, cats, elephants, whales,
owls, and storks. Most birds can fly. They bats, monkeys, and humans.
are adapted for flight by having wings Kiwi
instead of front legs, a light skeleton with Characteristics of mammals:
hollow bones, and a covering of feathers.
• mother feeds her young on milk
Characteristics of birds: • bodies are covered with fur or hair
• birds are the only living animals • can maintain a constant body
temperature and have sweat glands
Siberian tiger

with feathers
to cool their bodies
• breathe with lungs • intelligent, with large brains
• can maintain a constant body temperature Scarlet • breathe with lungs
• lay eggs with hard, waterproof shells;
usually incubate eggs with the heat
macaw
Kangaroo rat
of their bodies

5
 Animal Habitats
Animals live all over the world, from the frozen adapted in similar ways. For instance, the kit fox that lives
Arctic to hot deserts. The place where an animal lives is in the North American deserts looks very similar to the
called its habitat. Many species can live together in the fennec fox that lives in the Sahara Desert.
same habitat because they eat different kinds of food or Physical barriers, such as mountains and seas, prevent
make their homes in different places. The animal life in many animals from moving freely from one place to
any habitat is a finely balanced mixture of species, and another. Some, however, can fly or swim, so they spread
this balance can easily be disturbed. over large areas. Tortoises, for example, can swim or float
The map on these two pages shows the main types of great distances across the sea.
habitats around the world. Animals have adapted to live
in each of these habitats by developing characteristics
that help them survive. Similar
types of habitats can be found
in different parts of the
world, and the animals
that live there have

N O R T H
A M E R I C A
Deciduous woods once spread
across large areas of North
America and Europe, but many Small, scrubby bushes are among
of them have now been cut down. the few plants that survive in the
dry regions around the
Mediterranean Sea.
Polar and tundra
The Everglades in Florida is
a vast marshland area covered
with sawgrass.
The low temperatures, biting winds, and long,
dark winters make the Arctic and Antarctic
very harsh environments for animals. Yet
many animals do survive there, especially in
the seas or on the frozen lands around the
Arctic, called the tundra. In the brief summer
period, many animals migrate to the Arctic P A C I F I C A T L A N T I C
to breed and raise their young. O C E A N O C E A N
Find out more: pages 8–9, 42–43, 59.

S OUTH
Coniferous forests Grasslands
The largest forests in the world stretch Grasslands grow in places where it is too
A MER IC A
across the top of North America, dry for large areas of trees. The roots of
Europe, and Asia. They are called the the grasses bind the soil together and
taiga. The trees are mostly conifers, provide food for huge herds of grazing
such as fir and spruce, with needlelike animals. There is tropical grassland,
leaves that stay on the trees year called savannah, in Africa, while
round. These forests provide food and the North American prairies, South
shelter for many animals, especially American pampas, and Asian steppe
during the cold winter months. are examples of cooler grasslands.
Find out more: pages 10–11, Find out more: pages 10–11,
28–29, 42–43. 26–27, 38–39, 44–45.

Deciduous woodlands Scrubland The pampas is a huge area of grass-

land in South America. Much of it is
used by farmers for grazing cattle.
Deciduous woodlands are found Dusty, dry land dotted with tough
south of the conifer forests, where the shrubs and small trees is found around
climate is mild and rainfall is plentiful the Mediterranean Sea, in Australia,
throughout the year. The trees are and in California in the United States.
mostly broadleaved species, such as Most rain falls in the winter months,
oak and beech, which drop their leaves and animals that live in these regions
in the fall and rest over the cooler adapt to survive the dry, hot summers.
winter months. Find out more: pages 32–33.
Find out more: pages 10–11, 30–31.

A N T A R
6
 Deserts Rainforests Marshes and swamp Mountains
It hardly ever rains in the deserts, Rainforests grow near the equator, Marshy, waterlogged places develop Mountains are found in both warm
so the animals that live there have where the weather is warm and near lakes and rivers and along and cold regions of the world. They
to survive without drinking for long humid year round. Most of the trees coasts. One of the largest marshland provide a wide range of habitats for
periods or get all the water they need are evergreen with broad leaves. areas is the Everglades in Florida. wildlife, from forests on the lower
from their food. They also have Rainforests contain the richest variety Mangrove swamps often fringe the slopes to grassland and tundra farther
to cope with boiling-hot days and of wildlife to be found anywhere on coasts in tropical areas. Both these up. The higher up you go, the colder
freezing-cold nights. Many animals Earth. More than 50 percent of all the habitats are rich in food supplies it becomes. Above a certain height—
come out only at dawn and dusk different kinds of plants and animals and places to breed, and provide called the tree line—the temperature
when it is cooler and more humid. in the world live in the rainforests. homes for a wide variety of animals, is too low for trees to survive. Even
Find out more: pages 14–15, Find out more: pages 24–25, especially birds and insects. higher up is the snow line. Above this
34–35, 44–45, 52–53. 36–37, 54–55. Find out more: pages 16–17. it is so cold that the ground is always
covered in snow and ice. The climate
in mountainous regions can be
severe, with low temperatures, fierce
winds, and low rainfall. Mountain
animals also have to cope with steep,
slippery slopes.
Find out more: pages 12–13,
A huge area of coniferous trees— 22–23, 46–47.
the largest forest in the world—
stretches across northern Asia.

EU R O PE

M E D I T
A S I A
E
R
R A
N E
A N S E A

The biggest coral reef on Earth is

the Great Barrier Reef, off the coast

A F R I C A of northeastern Australia.

P A C I F I C
O C E A N

Mount Kilimanjaro in
Africa lies almost on
the equator, but it is
so high that its peak
is covered in snow.
I N D I A N
O C E A N Rainforests are packed with dense
jungle vegetation and are home to
a wide variety of animals.
A U S T R A L A S I A

The central part of Australia—called Coral reefs

the outback—consists of dry, rocky
deserts where few plants can grow. Coral reefs are made of the skeletons of
tiny creatures called corals. Over millions
of years they build up on top of one
another to form a reef. Reefs develop
only in warm, shallow, salty water. A
Antarctica is the coldest and most huge variety of fish, corals, sponges,
isolated continent on Earth. A thick and other animals lives on a reef.
ice cap covers most of the land.
Find out more: page 56.
C T I C A
7
THE ARCTIC

The Arctic
Food store
During the summer the Arctic fox
stores food, such as dead birds, under
rocks. Thanks to the cold climate,
this food keeps as well as it would in
The arctic consists of the northernmost parts of a refrigerator. The fox eats it in the
North America, Europe, and Asia, which is tundra winter months, when fresh food is
hard to find. The fox’s thick fur coat
(frozen land), and a huge area of frozen ocean helps it survive in temperatures
around the North Pole. It is one of the coldest as low as –58°F (–50°C).
places on Earth. The temperature rarely rises
Arctic fox
above 50°F (10°C), and in the winter it (Alopex lagopus)
often drops to –40°F (–40°C). During the brief summer Body length: up to
2 ft 5 in (75 cm)
period, it is light for 24 hours a day. Light and warmth Tail: up to 16.7 in
(42.5 cm )
encourage the growth of tiny sea animals and plants called
plankton, which are eaten by fish, seals, and birds. On land,
flowers bloom, providing food for millions of insects. Many
birds migrate to the Arctic to breed and raise their young. Wonderful
When the winter sets in again, these birds return whiskers
to warmer climates. The bearded seal lives
in the seas around the
edge of the ice cap. It has
long, sensitive whiskers, which
it uses to feel for shellfish on the
Polar bear sea bed. In spring, the female hauls
(Ursus maritimus) Bearded seal herself onto the ice to give birth.
Height at shoulder: up to 4 ft 11 in (1.5 m) (Erignathus barbatus)
Body length: up to 9 ft 7 in (2.9 m) Length: up to 8 ft 2 in (2.5 m)

Hooded seal
(Cystophora cristata)
Reindeer warble-fly Length: up to
(Hypoderma tarandi) 8 ft 10 in (2.7 m)
Length: up to 0.7 in
(1.8 cm)

Fearsome fly
The reindeer warble-fly lays
its eggs in the fur of caribou and
reindeer, which migrate to the Arctic
in summer. When the eggs hatch, the
grubs burrow through the skin and
live in the deer’s flesh. The grubs later
fall off and grow into adults.

Balloon nose
The male hooded seal has a
strange balloonlike structure
on the end of his nose. In the
breeding season, he blows air
into this structure, which can
Lethal paws Longest hair become 12 in (30 cm) long.
The polar bear is a huge The musk ox The air amplifies the loud calls
animal and can weigh as has the longest he makes to warn off other
much as 10 adult people. It coat of almost any males. The hooded seal spends
feeds mainly on seals, and mammal. Some hairs in most of its life at sea, searching
often catches them at holes in its outer coat are nearly 3 ft for fish and squid. It only
the ice when they come up for 3 in (1 m) long. If a group of comes out onto the ice to
air. One swipe from the bear’s musk oxen are attacked, they mate, breed, and molt.
massive paws can kill a seal, form a tight circle and defend
and its claws then grab and themselves with their sharp
hold onto its prey. horns, while the young stand Musk ox
in the middle for protection. (Ovibos moschatus)
Height at shoulder: up to 5 ft (1.5 m)

Narwhal
(Monodon monoceros) Arctic unicorn
Body length: up to 16 ft 9 in (5 m) The narwhal is a mammal related to whales and
Tusk: up to 9 ft 10 in (3 m)
dolphins. It has only two teeth. One of the male’s
teeth grows into a long, spiraling tusk, which sticks out
through a hole in his top lip. The tusks are used to
display dominance, and males have been seen fighting
one another with their tusks.

8
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xiii
xiv Contents

11 Management of Recurrent Uterine Cervical Cancer������������������������������ 191

George Zarkavelis, Alexandra Papadaki, Aristides Kefas,
Ioannis Zerdes, Konstantina Tatsi, and Stergios Boussios
12 Chemotherapy for Cervical Cancer �������������������������������������������������������� 215
Romelie Rieu and Gemma Eminowicz
13 Potential Biomarkers for Personalized Radiation
Therapy for Patients with Uterine Cervical Cancer������������������������������ 233
Pablo Moreno-Acosta, Shyrly Carrillo, Oscar Gamboa,
Diana Mayorga, Alfredo Romero-Rojas, Alexis Vallard,
Chloe Rancoule, and Nicolas Magné
14 Radiotherapy for Uterine Cervical Cancer �������������������������������������������� 249
Edward Chandy and Gemma Eminowicz
15 Quality of Life in Women with Cervical Cancer������������������������������������ 267
C. Rutherford, R. Mercieca-Bebber, M. Tait,
Linda Mileshkin, and M. T. King

Index���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 291
Contributors

Yaa Achampong Department of Women’s Health, University College London

Hospital, London, UK
Georgios Androutsopoulos Department of Obstetrics and Gynaecology,
University of Patras, Rion, Achaia, Greece
Peter Bannister Department of Primary Care and Public Health, Brighton and
Sussex Medical School, Brighton, UK
Claudia Blancafort Department of Gynecology, Hospital Universitari
­Quiron-­Dexeus, Barcelona, Spain
Stergios Boussios Department of Medical Oncology, Ioannina University Hospital,
Ioannina, Greece
Joana Froes Bragança Department of Gynecology and Obstetrics, Hospital
Dr. José Aristodemo Pinotti, State University of Campinas, Sao Paulo, Brazil
Mariana Canepa Department of Pathology and Laboratory Medicine,
Brown University Warren Alpert Medical School, Providence, RI, USA
Shyrly Carrillo Research Group in Cancer Biology, National Cancer Institute,
Bogotá, Colombia
Edward Chandy Clinical Oncology Department, Charing Cross Hospital,
London, UK
Catherine Louise Cherry Department of Infectious Diseases, Monash University
and Alfred Health, Melbourne, VIC, Australia
Burnet Institute, Melbourne, VIC, Australia
Faculty of Health Sciences, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg,
South Africa
Amuthachelvi Daniel Department of Medical Physics, Anna University, Chennai,
Tamil Nadu, India
Konstantinos Doufekas Department of Gynaecological Oncology, University
College London Hospital, London, UK

xv
xvi Contributors

Gemma Eminowicz Department of Clinical Oncology/Radiotherapy,

Hammersmith Hospital, Imperial College Healthcare NHS Trust, London, UK
Samir A. Farghaly The Joan and Sanford I. Weill Medical College/Graduate
School of Medical Sciences, The New York Presbyterian Hospital-Weill Cornell
Medical Center, and Sandra and Edward Meyer Cancer Center, Cornell University,
New York, NY, USA
Oscar Gamboa Unit of Analysis, National Cancer Institute, Bogotá, Colombia
Research Group in Radiobiology Clinical, Molecular and Cellular, National Cancer
Institute, Bogotá, Colombia
Maria Luisa Garcia-Moliner Department of Pathology and Laboratory Medicine,
Brown University Warren Alpert Medical School, Providence, RI, USA
Aristides Kefas Department of Medicine, Ioannina University Medical School,
Ioannina, Greece
M. T. King Faculty of Science, School of Psychology, University of Sydney,
Sydney, Australia
Faculty of Medicine, Sydney Medical School, Central Clinical School, University
of Sydney, Sydney, Australia
Maria Lombarte Gynecologic Oncology Unit, La Paz University Hospital,
Madrid, Spain
Nicolas Magné Department of Radiation Oncology, Institut de cancérologie de la
Loire-Lucien Neuwirth, Saint-Priest en Jarez, France
Silvia Marín Gynecologic Oncology Unit, La Paz University Hospital,
Madrid, Spain
Alejandra Mateos Gynecologic Oncology Unit, La Paz University Hospital,
Madrid, Spain
Diana Mayorga Research Group in Radiobiology Clinical, Molecular and Cellular,
National Cancer Institute, Bogotá, Colombia
Anjum Memon Department of Primary Care and Public Health, Brighton and
Sussex Medical School, Brighton, UK
R. Mercieca-Bebber Faculty of Science, School of Psychology, University of
Sydney, Sydney, Australia
Faculty of Medicine, Sydney Medical School, Central Clinical School, University
of Sydney, Sydney, Australia
Linda Mileshkin Department of Medical Oncology, Peter MacCallum Cancer
Centre, Melbourne, VIC, Australia
Contributors xvii

Pablo Moreno-Acosta Research Group in Cancer Biology, National Cancer

Institute, Bogotá, Colombia
Research Group in Radiobiology Clinical, Molecular and Cellular, National Cancer
Institute, Bogotá, Colombia
Elisa Moreno-Palacios Department of Gynecology, Hospital Universitario La
Paz, Madrid, Spain
Raj Naik Department of Gynaecology, Northern Gynaecological Oncology
Centre, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Gateshead, UK
Adeola Olaitan Department of Gynaecological Oncology, University College
London Hospital, London, UK
Alexandra Papadaki Department of Medical Oncology, Ioannina University
Hospital, Ioannina, Greece
Nimesh R. Patel Department of Pathology and Laboratory Medicine, Brown
University Warren Alpert Medical School, Providence, RI, USA
Evangeline Ponnusamy Department of Medical Oncology, Peter MacCallum
Cancer Centre, Melbourne, VIC, Australia
Chloe Rancoule Department of Radiation Oncology, Institut de cancérologie de la
Loire-Lucien Neuwirth, Saint-Priest en Jarez, France
Romelie Rieu Department of Clinical Oncology/Radiotherapy, Charing Cross
Hospital, Imperial College Healthcare NHS Trust, London, UK
Alfredo Romero-Rojas Group of Pathology Oncology, National Cancer Institute,
Bogota, Colombia
C. Rutherford Faculty of Science, School of Psychology, University of Sydney,
Sydney, Australia
Wilfred Prasanna Savarimuthu Department of Physics, Madras Christian
College, Chennai, Tamil Nadu, India
M. Tait Faculty of Science, School of Psychology, University of Sydney, Sydney,
Australia
Konstantina Tatsi Gynaecology Unit, General Hospital “G. Hatzikosta”,
Ioannina, Greece
Diama Bhadra Vale Department of Gynecology and Obstetrics, Hospital Dr. José
Aristodemo Pinotti, State University of Campinas, Sao Paulo, Brazil
Alexis Vallard Department of Radiation Oncology, Institut de cancérologie de la
Loire-Lucien Neuwirth, Saint-Priest en Jarez, France
Ignacio Zapardiel Gynecologic Oncology Unit, La Paz University Hospital-­
IdiPAZ, Madrid, Spain
xviii Contributors

George Zarkavelis Department of Medical Oncology, Ioannina University

Hospital, Ioannina, Greece
Luiz Carlos Zeferino Department of Gynecology and Obstetrics, Hospital
Dr. José Aristodemo Pinotti, State University of Campinas, Sao Paulo, Brazil
Ioannis Zerdes Department of Medical Oncology, Ioannina University Hospital,
Ioannina, Greece
Epidemiology of Cervical Cancer
1
Anjum Memon and Peter Bannister

Concepts in Cancer Epidemiology

What Is Epidemiology?

Epidemiology is the art and science of understanding the determinants of health and
causation and prevention of disease in the population. It underpins public health and
clinical medicine and describes the occurrence and distribution of health-related
states or events (incidence, prevalence), quantifies the risk of disease (relative risk,
attributable risk, odds ratio) and its outcome (prognosis, survival, mortality) and
postulates causal mechanisms for disease in populations (aetiology, prevention) [1].
The main function of epidemiology is to provide evidence to guide public health
policy and clinical practice to protect, restore and promote health of individuals and
populations. Cancer epidemiology is a branch or subspecialty of epidemiology that
studies factors influencing the occurrence (i.e. increase or decrease in incidence of
a specific cancer) and prevention of neoplastic and preneoplastic diseases and
related disorders.

Measuring the Risk or Burden of Cancer

Incidence
Incidence (or incident cases) is a count of new cases of cancer in the population
during a specified time period. The incidence rate is the number of new cases of
cancer in a defined population within a specified time period (usually a calendar

A. Memon (*) · P. Bannister

Department of Primary Care and Public Health, Brighton and Sussex Medical School,
Brighton, UK
e-mail: [Link]@[Link]; P.Bannister1@[Link]

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 1

S. A. Farghaly (ed.), Uterine Cervical Cancer,
[Link]
2 A. Memon and P. Bannister

year), divided by the total number of people in that population. Cancer incidence
rates are typically expressed as per 100,000 population [1, 2].

 ge-Standardized Incidence (or Mortality) Rate (ASR)

A
As the risk of cancer increases exponentially with age, the crude incidence rate
(which is influenced by the population age structure) cannot be used to evaluate
whether the risk or burden of cancer differs between different populations. It is
therefore necessary to use ASRs when comparing incidence rates in populations
that have different age structures (e.g. the USA and China). The ASR is obtained by
applying the (crude) age-specific rates in the observed population to the age-specific
population counts (or weights) of a fixed reference (or standard) population. The
most commonly used standard population is the world (and also US and European)
standard population proposed by Sir Richard Doll. Age-standardization controls for
the confounding effect of age on cancer incidence and allows direct comparison
between different populations.

 umulative Incidence (or Cumulative Risk)

C
Cumulative incidence is the probability or risk of developing cancer during a speci-
fied period (e.g. lifetime). It measures the number or proportion of people (out of
100 or 1000) who would be expected to develop a particular cancer by the age of 64
(or 74) years if they had the rates of cancer currently observed. Like the ASR, cumu-
lative incidence permits comparisons between populations of different age struc-
tures. For example, the cumulative risk (or lifetime risk) of a woman in the USA
developing cervical cancer by age 74 is 0.63% (or 1 in 159) probability [3].

Prevalence
Prevalence is the number of existing cases of cancer in a defined population at a
notional point in time, divided by the total number of people in the population at
that time. It is usually expressed as an absolute number of existing cases or as the
proportion (%) of a population that has the disease. For example, the prevalence of
cervical cancer can be defined as the number of women in a defined population who
have been diagnosed as having the cancer and who are still alive at a given point in
time.

• Partial (or limited duration) prevalence is the estimation of the number of cases
of cancer diagnosed within 1, 3 and 5 years to indicate the number of patients
undergoing initial treatment (cases within 1 year of diagnosis), clinical follow-up
(within 3 years) or not considered cured (within 5 years). Patients alive 5 years
after the diagnosis of cancer are usually considered cured because, for most can-
cers, the death rates among such patients are similar to those in the general
population.
• Complete prevalence represents the proportion of patients alive on a certain day
who previously had a diagnosis of cancer, regardless of how long ago the diag-
nosis was or if the patient is still under treatment or is considered cured.
Isl a m I n Pa k Ista n
 Introduction

thIs book Is conceR neD with the history of, and the contestations on,
Islam in colonial India and Pakistan. The first modern Muslim state to be
established in the name of Islam, Pakistan was the largest Muslim country in
the world at the time of its foundation; today, it is the second most populous,
after Indonesia. All the key facets of modern Islam worldwide were well rep-
resented in colonial India and they have continued to be so in Pakistan: Su-
fism; traditionalist scholars, the `ulama, and their institutions of learning, the
madrasas; Islamism; and Islamic modernism. Several of them received their
earliest and what proved to be highly influential articulations in this vast re-
gion. It was in colonial India, for instance, that some of the first modernist
Muslim intellectuals had emerged, and their work soon came to resonate well
beyond South Asia.1 Sayyid Abul-A`la Mawdudi (d. 1979), whose career strad-
dled British India and the first three decades of Pakistan, was, for his part,
one of the most influential Islamist ideologues of the twentieth century. South
Asia did not pioneer madrasas, but few countries match the growth that this
institution and those associated with it have witnessed over the course of Paki-
stan’s history. It is in Pakistan, too, that the movement of the Taliban emerged
in the years following the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan. And
in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, Pakistan has
been not only a major front in the global War on Terror but also the site of an
Islamist radicalism that has had important implications for contemporary
Islam, and not just in South Asia.
As one might expect, there is a significant body of literature on different
facets of Islam in colonial South Asia and in Pakistan. What is lacking is a
work that brings them together within the confines of a single study.2 Such
studies have seldom been attempted for other regions of the Muslim world
either. This is hardly surprising, given that the examination of any particular
facet, whether Islamism or the Islam of the `ulama, already poses enough chal-
lenges to allow a venture very far beyond it. Yet, the sum of more specialized

[1]
 [ 2 ] In tRoDuctIon

studies can fall considerably short of meeting the need for a broader view of
the religious landscape. This book is an effort in that direction. How have
various facets of Islam interacted with one another and with a state created
in the name of Islam? How are the different Islamic orientations to be dis-
tinguished from one another? What sort of constraints have the differences
among them placed on the ability of their adherents to join hands at particu-
lar moments in history? How significantly and to what effect had the various
religious orientations that occupied the South Asian Islamic landscape at the
beginning of the twentieth century changed in relation to one another by the
early twenty-first century? What is the context, both immediate and long
term, in which Islamist militancy has emerged in Pakistan? What has ham-
pered the ability of the governing elite to effectively combat it? And why has
Islamic modernism undergone a decline in the course of Pakistan’s history, as
I would argue it has? These are among the questions I address in this book.
Though the scope of this study is necessarily broad, certain facets of Mus-
lim religious life have had to remain largely unattended here. How Islamic
beliefs and practices are reflected in and shaped by poetry and fictional litera-
ture, art, media, and film falls, with some exceptions, outside the scope of this
book. So does the lived practice of Islam. It would take extensive ethnographic
work, not attempted for this study, to shed light, for instance, on the nature
and meaning of devotional practices at Sufi shrines or how such shrines par-
ticipate in the political economy of the region in which they are located. The
question of how madrasas are viewed in or sustained by the local communities
among which they operate likewise requires the kind of work that lies beyond
the ambition and scope of this study. By the same token, questions relating
to the religious beliefs of ordinary women and men and the changes their un-
derstandings of the faith have undergone would have to depend not only on
microlevel studies but also on large-scale surveys, neither of which exist in
abundance for Pakistan.
This is not intellectual history in the narrow sense of being concerned
only with a history of ideas; it is keenly interested in the political and other
contexts in which particular ideas developed and why certain understandings
of Islam found themselves disadvantaged vis-à-vis others. Nor does it posit
any sharp distinction between belief and practice, between normative and
lived Islam.3 Yet, it does rely more often than not on written expressions of
Islam, of debate and contestation on it, of the development and change it has
continued to undergo. It is therefore more attentive to the discourses and the
initiatives of those aspiring to shape people’s religious and political life than
it is to those whose lives were presumably being informed or shaped by such
discourses. Once again, however, the barriers between these two sides look
firmer in outward appearance than they may be in reality. Official archives,
too, can shed much light on life, thought, and agency at the grassroots, after
all. For instance, the extensive records of the Court of Inquiry that the govern-
 In tRoDuctIon [ 3 ]

ment of the Punjab had established in the aftermath of a religio-political agi-

tation directed against the Ahmadis, a heterodox community, in 1953 is an un-
usually rich resource for an understanding not only of the views of the
modernist elite governing the new state but also of the perspectives of the
religio-political groups that had been involved in the agitation. We also get
occasional glimpses in these records of small-time mosque-preachers, local
leaders, and ordinary people caught up in it. An archive such as this, despite
its focus on one particular set of events, has much to say about varied facets of
Islam in Pakistan and that is how I have utilized it here.4 When it comes to
state legislation, to take another example, we may not always know very well
how particular initiatives relating to Islam actually shaped people’s lives. But
even here, what we can try to understand is not only what vision animated
those legislative initiatives but also what responses they evoked from members
of particular religious groups and how the initiatives and the responses in ques-
tion have shaped a contested religious sphere in colonial India and in Pakistan.
If not all facets of Islam can be accommodated into this study, not all even
among those represented here can obviously occupy center stage. That be-
longs to Islamic modernism, which I understand as a complex of religious,
intellectual, and political initiatives aimed at adapting Islam—its beliefs, prac-
tices, laws, and institutions—to the challenges of life in the modern world.
Such challenges were felt most forcefully under European colonial rule. Late
nineteenth- and early twentieth-century modernists—and not just the Mus-
lims among them, though it is on them that I focus here—had internalized
to various degrees colonial assessments of the societies under European gov-
ernance. These were seen, in contrast with the European world, as tradition-
bound, stagnant, priest-ridden, and superstitious; their laws as antiquated,
capricious, and barbaric; their precolonial rulers as corrupt and despotic;
their intellectual cultures as decadent, and their systems of education as de-
void of useful knowledge.5 Defeat at the hands of the European powers had
exposed the hollowness of traditional norms, practices, and structures, show-
ing them all to be unsustainable. While colonial officials saw such contrasts as
a justification for their rule, the early modernists viewed them as necessitat-
ing a thoroughgoing reform of Muslim thought and practice.
Modernist reformers tended also to differ from colonial, and Orientalist,
analyses of Muslim societies in their conviction that Islam could, in fact, be
adapted to the needs of the modern world without ceasing to be Islam. Writ-
ing in the early twentieth century, Lord Cromer, the consul-general of Egypt
(1883–1907), had cautioned: “let no practical politician think that they have
a plan capable of resuscitating a body which is not, indeed, dead, and which
may yet linger on for centuries, but which is nevertheless politically and so-
cially moribund, and whose gradual decay cannot be arrested by any modern
palliatives however skillfully they may be applied.”6 The modernist enterprise
was, however, predicated precisely on the conviction that the decline of Muslim
 [ 4 ] In tRoDuctIon

societies could indeed be remedied and that it did not require relinquishing
Islam itself. What it did require was that Islam be restored to its original pu-
rity, and its core values combined with what European science and other forms
of modern knowledge had to offer. Only then would the adherents of this re-
ligion be capable of scientific, moral, and material progress in the modern
world. Yet, the acquisition of Western knowledge, a key facet of modernist
reform, carried significant costs, some of which threatened only to substanti-
ate predictions about the irreconcilability of Islam and the modern world. As
Sayyid Ahmad Khan (d. 1898), the pioneering modernist of Muslim South
Asia observed in 1884, “May the English-educated young men . . . forgive me,
but I have not seen a person . . . with an inclination for the English sciences
who still has complete faith in the Islamic matters as they are current in our
time.”7 The silver lining to this sobering assessment was, of course, that the
“Islamic matters . . . current in our time” were not the authentic teachings of
Islam. Yet, it did underscore the herculean nature of the project of giving
Islam an expression that was true to its original teachings, at home in the
modern world, and capable of being seen by the community at large as au-
thentic. Nearly nine decades later, Fazlur Rahman (d. 1988), an influential
scholar who will figure prominently in this book, found that a robust com-
bination of properly Islamic norms and modernizing reform was still elusive
among the governing elite of countries like Pakistan: “many of the bureau-
crats in these countries are not Muslim modernists but simple modernists,
i.e., Westernizers, while quite a few are simple conservatives and the instances
of Muslim modernists are very few indeed. But it is my belief that Islamic
modernism has good chances of eventual success, although . . . the final out-
come is uncertain.”8 That belief and that uncertainty have continued to char-
acterize Islamic modernism.
The modernists have never become anything akin to a school of law or
theology, let alone a sect.9 They have had significant differences among them-
selves and their positions have continued to evolve, as one might expect. Even
so, as the foregoing would already suggest, some core convictions are recog-
nizable as having frequently guided modernist thought and policy: that the
true “spirit” of Islam resides in the Qur’an and in the teachings of the Prophet
Muhammad rather than in how Muslims have either lived or thought about
their religion for much of their history; that self-professed loci of Islamic au-
thority, such as the `ulama and the Sufis, have distorted the teachings of Islam,
illegitimately assumed the role of intermediaries between God and the believ-
ers, fragmented the unity of the faith and, in concert with unenlightened des-
pots, been at the heart of Muslim decline; that the fundamental teachings
of Islam are not merely in accord with but superior to, and no less universal
than, the best of what modern, liberal, values have had to offer to the world.10
As Liaquat Ali Khan, the first prime minister of Pakistan, had put it in the
constituent assembly in March 1949, in moving what has come to be known as
 In tRoDuctIon [ 5 ]

the Objectives Resolution, the goal in establishing the new state was “to give
the Muslims the opportunity that they have been seeking, throughout these
long decades of decadence and subjection, of finding freedom to set up a polity
which may prove to be a laboratory for the purpose of demonstrating to the
world that Islam is not only a progressive force in the world, but it also pro-
vides remedies for many of the ills from which humanity has been suffering.”11
Easy to caricature today for their idealism and bombast, such convictions
have had great purchase in Muslim circles seeking to find a way of simultane-
ously being good Muslims and leading successful lives in the colonial—and
postcolonial—dispensations. Those holding them have often sought much
more than that, however. Enjoying positions of considerable influence as in-
tellectuals, makers of public opinion, political leaders, and the governing elite,
they have sought to transform the entire religious landscape in accordance
with their conceptions of Islam and of how its interests, and those of ordinary
believers, are best served. Insomuch as the sweep and audacity of their aspi-
rations relate to all facets of Islam, it does seem worthwhile to study Islam in
conditions of modernity with reference to them.12
Some scholars have seen Islamic modernism as a particular phase in the
intellectual and political history of the modern Muslim world, one largely lim-
ited to the era of European colonialism. Later generations, according to this
view, would go in other directions, among them secular nationalism, Marx-
ism, and Islamism.13 I take a rather different view in this study. Secular na-
tionalism and Marxism have not had much purchase in Pakistan, and while
Islamism has always been an important part of the religio-political landscape,
it has never come close—despite warnings from different quarters—to govern-
ing the country, either through electoral or other means. For its part, mod-
ernism has continued to guide official policy on matters relating to Islam, its
institutions, and its practices. Modernism has indeed been in gradual decline
in Pakistan. But it took several decades after the establishment of the state for
that decline to set in. Among my concerns in the following chapters is not
only to illustrate and account for this decline but also to shed some light on
how, both in its aspirations and in its decline, modernism has shaped, even as
it has been shaped by, other facets of Islam.
To speak of decline in this case is not, moreover, to posit that modernism
has exited the scene or is about to do so. The fact that it remains ensconced in
the corridors of power is enough to suggest otherwise. In the wider Muslim
world and beyond, too, modernist intellectuals have continued to make their
presence felt.14 Though couched in a rather different language, the key con-
cerns of such intellectuals in the contemporary world reveal broad continu-
ities with their acknowledged and unacknowledged predecessors. Such conti-
nuities are to be observed in discourses on the Qur’an’s “universals,” which
alone are held to encompass the shari`a’s principal concerns and the religion’s
true spirit, as opposed to the specifics of a medieval consensus on this or that
 [ 6 ] In tRoDuctIon

matter. They are equally in evidence in the purported concordance between

Islam and liberal values. Speaking in terms of any clearly recognizable end to
the phenomenon of Islamic modernism misses such continuities. Some schol-
ars would posit the transformation of an earlier modernism into what is
sometimes referred to as today’s Islamic liberalism, with the latter consisting
in constitutionalism, the rule of law, the universality of human rights, the em-
powerment of women, and social justice, all justified in terms of a critique
of traditionalist Islam by way of a rereading of the foundational texts—the
Qur’an and hadith, the reported teachings of the Prophet Muhammad.15
Given, however, that there are major similarities of approach between the
modernists and the Islamic liberals in question, with the same figures some-
times characterized in the scholarly literature as modernists and at others as
liberals, the analytical value of a sharp distinction between the two remains
unclear. 16 It can also obscure the fact that, for all its stress on constitution-
alism, Islamic liberalism, like statist liberalism elsewhere, has tended to have
an authoritarian streak.17 As will be seen, such authoritarianism has long
been a marker of Islamic modernism, too.
Though it is modernism that this study foregrounds, a different choice
could arguably have been made as a way of studying broader religio-political
trends in colonial India and Pakistan. The audacity of modernist aspirations
is matched by that of the Islamists, who in fact share much with them in their
social and educational backgrounds as well as in their dim view of how Islam
has been lived in history.18 If anything, the Islamists go further in seeking to
harness the state to the project of implementing their scripturally anchored
vision of Islam. As Mawdudi, the preeminent Islamist ideologue of South
Asia, had it in an early work:

The state that the Qur’an envisions has not just a negative but also a
positive goal. It does not seek merely to prevent people from oppress-
ing one another, to guard their liberties, and to defend itself against
foreign aggression. It strives also to implement that balanced system
of social justice that the Book of God has presented. Its aim is to erase
all those forms of evil and to establish all those facets of the good that
God has elucidated with His clear guidelines. To accomplish these
goals, political power, persuasion and proselytism, means of education
and upbringing, societal influence and the pressure of public opinion
will all be used, as necessitated by the circumstances. . . . This is an all-
encompassing state. The sphere of its operation extends to the entirety
of human life. It seeks to mold all areas of culture in accordance with
its particular moral conceptions, its reformist program.19

In the case of the Islamists, this vision is predicated, of course, on the very
opposite of a self-conscious accord with Western, liberal values.20 It is based,
contributed immeasurably to my understanding of this book’s many audi-
ences and its stakes.
I wrote this book while at the University of Washington, and it is thus to
colleagues and friends in Seattle and a few located farther afield, but always in
mind, to whom I must express my greatest gratitude. Habiba Ibrahim, Gillian
Harkins, Chandan Reddy, and Sonnet Retman have in one form or another
read and commented on all parts of this manuscript (sometimes reading the
same parts multiple times). Each has helped me to grapple with prob­lems and
to hone my thinking. All the book’s remaining flaws are entirely of my own
making. For being a wonderful interlocutor on black feminism and a fellow
traveler on the up-­and-­down road of departmental life, I thank Habiba. For
always pushing me on the po­liti­cal implications of my readings and reading
practice, I thank Gillian. For developing with me, over many years, a transfor-
mative understanding of Benjamin’s philosophy of history—­the understanding
upon which several of this book’s titular arguments turn—­I thank Chandan.
For helping me to hammer out crucial formulations about postracialism and
blackness, and for commenting on the revised manuscript in its entirety, I
thank Sonnet. I am fortunate to have t­ hese individuals as interlocutors; I am
unbelievably lucky to count them among my closest friends. Though no
longer h­ ere, Stephanie Camp generously shared her knowledge of ­women in
slavery over many years and offered invaluable feedback on early drafts. She
is dearly missed. ­Others at the university have offered indispensable support.
I am honored to have Anis Bawarshi, Eva Cherniavsky, Gary Handwerk, Moon
Ho Jung, Suhanthie Motha, Stephanie Smallwood, Kathleen Woodward, and,
not least, my sage mogas Madeleine Yue Dong, Lynn Thomas, and Priti Rama-
murthy as my colleagues. For walks, ­music, and talk that take me far away
from writing and allow me to return to it with new eyes, I thank Annie Gage,
Gretchen Yanover, and Marcia Robins. For sharing many meals over many
years, and, not least, the quotidian won­der of watching tiny ­people become
bigger ­people, I thank Sonnet Retman and Curtis Bonney. For being t­ here to
wander, talk shop, and endlessly digress, I thank Brent Hayes Edwards. For
sharing a world beneath the ocean, I thank Phylleen Jackson. For welcom-
ing me in with open arms, I thank Nicki Barbolak, Beth Raymond, and Steve
Raymond. For just being, I thank Sandy Weinbaum and Shelly Weinbaum.
My students have been an impor­tant part of my life, and this book owes
more to my time in the classroom than they could possibly know. I am grate-
ful to numerous undergraduate students and especially to the gradu­ate stu­
dents in my first seminars on black w ­ omen’s neo-­slave narratives and black

viii acknowl­e dgments

feminism. Elizabeth Brown, Leanne Day, Leslie Larkin, Claire Naeun Lee,
Christopher Patterson, Alice Pedersen, Sue Shon, Balbir Singh, and Maya
Smorodinsky are among t­hose whose response to my readings of texts
treated in this book compelled me to think and think again. Three students
have worked closely with me as research assistants. I am indebted to Alexan-
dra Deem, Annie Dwyer, and Caleb Knapp for their meticulous ­labors and
for exchange of ideas, related and unrelated to this book.
I wish to acknowledge t­ hose involved in production through Duke Univer­
sity Press. Courtney Berger has been an ideal editor. She has believed in this
book from the start. At a particularly challenging moment she provided the
encouragement that kept the revision pro­cess ­going. Editorial associate Sandra
Korn, se­nior proj­ect editor Liz Smith, and book designer Julienne Alexander
have been a plea­sure to work with. I also extend my sincere thanks to the
anonymous readers of the manuscript for thoughtful and challenging en-
gagement. The book is stronger for their input. Above all, I wish to thank
the final reader for the press, now known to me, Jennifer Morgan. My work
on the afterlife of reproductive slavery would simply not have been pos­si­ble
without Jennifer’s groundbreaking book on reproduction in slavery. I have
been inspired by her, and I thank her not only for her clear understanding of
the intellectual and po­liti­cal stakes of this book but also for sharing work in
pro­gress back and forth over the years.
As it happened, my deepest immersion in the worlds of surrogacy, h ­ uman
cloning, and the organ trade, in neo-­slave narratives and speculative fictions
that represent ­these biocapitalist pro­cesses of extraction, and in black femi-
nist texts that reflect and refract them, coincided with the first de­cade of my
­daughter’s life. Her arrival into the world not only transformed my research
and writing habits but also profoundly reshaped my understanding of the
complexity and beauty of reproductive l­ abor in all its forms. It is to my amaz-
ing Amara, and to Matt Aalfs, who makes all good ­things seem pos­si­ble, that
I dedicate this book. Without the two of them in the world, writing books
would be a far less meaningful undertaking.

acknowl­e dgments ix
This page intentionally left blank
 Introduction

­h uman reproduction
and the slave episteme

It is the enslavement of Blacks that enables us to imagine the

commodification of ­human beings, and that makes the vision
of fungible breeder ­women so real.

—­dorothy roberts, Killing The Black Body (1997)

If slavery persists as an issue . . . ​it is not ­because of an anti-

quarian obsession with bygone days or the burden of a too-­long
memory, but ­because black lives are still imperiled and deval-
ued by a racial calculus and a po­liti­cal arithmetic that ­were en-
trenched centuries ago. This is the afterlife of slavery.

—­saidiya hartman, lose your ­mother (2007)

This book investigates Atlantic slavery’s reflection in and refraction through

the cultures and politics of ­human reproduction that characterize late twenty-­
first-­century capitalism. Through close readings of a range of texts—­literary
and visual, con­temporary and historical—­I demonstrate that slavery, as prac-
ticed in the Amer­i­cas and Ca­rib­bean for roughly four hundred years, has a
specifically reproductive afterlife. Slavery lives on as a thought system that
is subtended by the per­sis­tence of what Saidiya Hartman calls “a racial calculus
and a po­liti­cal arithmetic,” and what I ­will refer to throughout this book as
the slave episteme that was brewed up in the context of Atlantic slavery.1 Like
all thought systems, the slave episteme produces material effects over time.
In rendering reproductive slavery thinkable it enables continued—­ albeit
continuously recalibrated—­forms of gendered and racialized exploitation of
­ uman reproductive l­ abor as itself a commodity and as the source of h
h ­ uman
biological commodities and thus value. The slave episteme manifests in con­
temporary cultural production. In this book, I demonstrate how such cultural
production mediates gendered and racialized cap­i­tal­ist pro­cesses that the
slave episteme, in turn, subtends.
My argument is predicated on and posits the existence of a largely unac-
knowledged historical constellation. ­There are two periods in modern history
during which in vivo reproductive ­labor power and reproductive products
have been engineered for profit: during the four centuries of chattel slavery
in the Amer­i­cas and the Ca­rib­bean and now, again, in our pres­ent moment.
And yet proof of neither historical repetition nor s­ imple continuity is my pri-
mary aim. In contrast to studies of ­human trafficking and what is sometimes
referred to as neoslavery, I do not amass empirical evidence or document
resurgence of h ­ uman enslavement. And I never argue that enslavement has
proceeded in a linear fashion over time.2 My argument is neither positivist
nor teleological. Rather, I offer an epistemic argument about the afterlife of
a thought system that renders ­human reproduction’s devaluation and extrac-
tion conceivable in both senses of that biologically laden term. This is a story
about the emergence of what Walter Benjamin has called “the time of the
now”—in this case, a story about con­temporary reproductive cultures and
politics that exposes the epistemic conditions that ­will, if left uninterrogated
and unchecked, continue to enable slavery’s reproductive afterlife.3 In tell-
ing a story about ­human reproduction in biocapitalism and thus about the
episteme’s endurance, my aspirations are modest. I hope to generate noth-
ing more (and hopefully nothing less) than what Raymond Williams once
referred to as an “extra edge of consciousness”—in this case, consciousness
about the conflicts and contradictions that shape the time of the now, a time
characterized, in part, by the reproductive afterlife of slavery.4
My argument begins by building on previous scholarship that has sought
to convene a discussion of the long and intertwined histories of slavery and
capitalism. Such scholarship argues that slavery is an urform of what the po­
liti­cal scientist Cedric Robinson famously called “racial capitalism.” As Rob-
inson explained, slavery ­ought not be construed as historically prior to the
emergence of capitalism proper; it is not part of a finite pro­cess of primitive
accumulation. Rather, slavery is part of racial capitalism’s ongoing work of
racialized and gendered extraction.5 In chapter 1, I treat Robinson’s ideas and
­those of historians of slavery who have expanded upon them to demonstrate
that slavery and capitalism are not and have never been antithetical or discrete

2 I NTRODUCTION
formations neatly arranged in temporal succession. As we ­shall see, accounts
of the historical development of capitalism that w ­ ere initially offered by Marx
and Engels (and perpetuated by a legion of traditional Marxists) constitute
an antiquated approach to capitalism that is myopically Eu­ro­pean and falsely
teleological. In contrast to such an approach, I follow Robinson in arguing
that slavery and capitalism w ­ ere co-­emergent and co-­constitutive, and are
continuously bound together in complex relations of historical reciprocity
whose dynamics have changed over time. In the past, such relations produced
the wealth of nations and empires. In the pres­ent, they subtend biocapital-
ism by shaping ideas about race and reproduction as ­these are manifest in the
racialization and feminization of reproductive ­labor in contexts in which life
itself is commodified.
In engaging with the concept of racial capitalism, I ally myself with the
radical proj­ect that Robinson dubbed “black Marxism”—­a way of thinking
about the intersection of class formation and racial formation that Robinson
regards as most fully realized in the writings of well-­known black radicals
such as W. E. B. Du Bois and C. L. R. James. At the same time, I challenge
and expand Robinson’s genealogy of black Marxism by calling our atten-
tion to its presumptive masculinism. Indeed, throughout this book I push
against prevailing constructions of the black radical tradition in order to
move understanding of this tradition in a new direction that encompasses
black feminist thinkers whose writings, in multiple idioms, have not often
been recognized as contributions to black Marxism but ­ought to be. Of spe-
cial interest in the pages that follow are contributions by black feminists who
began writing about enslaved w ­ omen’s insurgency against reproduction in
bondage and the implications of this insurgency for substantive reproductive
freedom in the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s. With a focus on the unpre­ce­dented
intensity of black feminist publication across ­these three decades—­those
that witnessed, not coincidentally, the rise of neoliberalism and the flourish-
ing of biocapitalism—­this book identifies and contributes to a distinctly black
feminist philosophy of history.
I have coined this term to draw attention to a unique materialist and epistemic
knowledge formation, expressed in multiple idioms, including history, the-
ory, and literary fiction, that constellates the slave past and the biocapitalist
pres­ent and thus examines the reproductive dimensions of racial capitalism
as it has evolved over time. Although it is inaccurate to suggest that the mas-
culinism of the black radical tradition is an express target of the black femi-
nist writings that I treat throughout, the black feminist philosophy of history

HUMAN REPRODUCTION and the SLAVE EPISTEME  3

that I limn and contribute to must nonetheless be recognized as a power­
ful critique of Robinson’s idea of the black radical tradition ­because of the
way it consistently and per­sis­tently centers slave breeding in its discussion
of both economic and cultural reproduction in slavery and beyond. This is
something that the black radical texts written by the men who are elevated by
Robinson (and many others) simply do not do.
Building on a dialogue about black ­women’s writing initiated by literary
scholars such as Hazel Carby, Barbara Christian, Valerie Smith, and Hortense
Spillers (to name only a few), who w ­ ere among the first to train our attention
on repre­sen­ta­tions of black motherhood in fictional writings by and about
black ­women, I suggest that black feminists worked together to clear space
for arguments about black motherhood but also for arguments specifically
attentive to the issues of reproduction and sex in slavery.6 In this way they
keyed black feminism in its pres­ent moment of production to forms of female
insurgency in the slave past, effectively linking their own knowledge produc-
tion to knowledge produced in and through the actions of insurgent enslaved
­women. The upshot: black feminism has offered forward a profound and pro-
foundly collective analy­sis of the forms of reproductive extraction that began
to emerge in the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s and, si­mul­ta­neously, an understand-
ing of how reproductive extraction and w ­ omen’s re­sis­tance to it in the pres­ent
are connected to the forms of extraction that characterized Atlantic slavery
as well as to the forms of racialized and gendered insurgency that sought to
challenge slavery’s reproduction.

Racial Capitalism and Biocapitalism

­ oday myriad forms of h

T ­ uman biological life are objects of speculative invest-
ment and development. Ranging from the microscopic (stem cells, sperm, and
oocytes) to the large and fleshy (organs and babies), life is routinely offered
for sale in the global marketplace. As numerous journalists and social scien-
tists have documented, nearly all parts of the ­human body can be purchased,
as can an array of in vivo biological pro­cesses, including gestation and birth
of ­human beings by so-­called surrogates.7 Precisely ­because so many aspects
of con­temporary capitalism involve commodification of in vivo l­abor and of
­human biological products, over the past de­cade scholars in science and
technology studies have identified what they variously describe as “the tissue
economy,” “the bioeconomy,” “lively capital,” and, most succinctly, “biocapi-
tal.”8 In chapter 1, I treat the genealogy of the concept of biocapitalism, the titular

4 I NTRODUCTION
concept used throughout this book, and highlight feminist contributions to
its development. For pres­ent purposes, suffice it to note that I use biocapi-
talism to describe, by way of shorthand, the ascent of biotechnology, phar­
ma­ceu­ti­cals, genomics, and reproge­ne­tics as primary areas of con­temporary
cap­i­tal­ist investment and expansion. Following other feminist scholars, in
using biocapitalism I seek to stretch and retool the concept so that the other­
wise implicit reproductive dimensions of the bio prefacing capitalism surface.
I also seek to extend existing feminist approaches to biocapitalism by employ-
ing the concept to name the pervasive sublation—by which I mean the simul-
taneous negation and preservation—of the history of slavery and the practice of
slave breeding by forms of capitalism that are involved, as is con­temporary
biocapitalism, in extraction of value from life itself. Along with other schol-
ars, I argue that h ­ uman biological commodities, especially reproductive
­labor power and its products, are required to maintain biocapitalism. To this
I add that the perpetuation of the slave episteme is required to make biocapi-
talism go. As I w ­ ill elaborate, slavery is epistemically central to biocapitalism
even when biocapitalist pro­cesses and products do not immediately appear
to depend upon slavery as antecedent. Chapters 4 and 5 and the epilogue, ex-
pand this claim through treatment of novels and films that mediate the rise of
neoliberalism and the disavowal of the per­sis­tence of the slave episteme that
is part and parcel of neoliberal cele­brations of the freedom to consume repro-
ductive pro­cesses and products.9 As we s­ hall see, when biocapitalism sublates
slavery and neoliberalism celebrates consumer choice, cultural texts provide
a win­dow onto all that transpires. When read critically, such texts allow us to
perceive biocapitalism’s dependence on reproductive extraction, reproduc-
tive extraction’s dependence on the per­sis­tence of the slave episteme, and,
not least, the slave episteme’s role in enabling conceptualization of ­human
reproduction as a racializing pro­cess through which both ­labor and products
are rendered alienable.10
Given my focus on what may initially appear to some readers to be two
distinct historical formations—­slavery and biocapitalism—­I pause ­here to
­address any pos­si­ble assumptions about the existence of an absolute distinction
between the two. As feminists across the disciplines have shown, ­women’s
reproductive l­ abor, broadly construed as the reproduction of workers and the
relations of production, has powered dominant social and economic forma-
tions in diverse geographic locations. As scholars of antiquity reveal, nearly
all forms of slavery, beginning with ­those practiced in the Ancient world,
have involved sexual subjection and reproductive dispossession and have

HUMAN REPRODUCTION and the SLAVE EPISTEME  5

The Latin American Studies Book Series

John E. Staller Editor

Andean
Foodways
Pre-Columbian, Colonial, and
Contemporary Food and Culture
The Latin American Studies Book Series

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Andean Foodways
Pre-Columbian, Colonial, and Contemporary
Food and Culture

123
Editor
John E. Staller
Botanical Research Institute of Texas
Fort Worth, TX, USA

ISSN 2366-3421 ISSN 2366-343X (electronic)

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Contents

1 Andean Foodways: Interdisciplinary Approaches

to Pre-Columbian, Colonial, and Contemporary Food
and Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
John E. Staller

Part I Pre-Columbian Foods and Cultures: Andean Culinary

and Ritual Practices
2 Grilling Clams and Roasting Tubers: Andean Maritime
Foodways in the Second Millennium B.C. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Gabriel Prieto
3 Camelids as Food and Wealth: Emerging Political and Moral
Economies of the Recuay Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
George Lau
4 Feast, Food, and Drink on a Paracas Platform, Chincha Valley,
Southern Coastal Peru . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
Henry Tantaleán and Alexis Rodríguez
5 Cuisine and Social Differentiation in Late Pre-hispanic
Cajamarca Highlands of Northern Peru . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
Jason L. Toohey
6 Ancient Paria, Bolivia: Macrobotanical Remains Recovered
from an Administrative Site on the Royal Inca Highway . . . . . . . . 137
Renée M. Bonzani
7 Identification of Chicha de Maiz in the Pre-Columbian Andes
Through Starch Analysis: New Experimental Evidence . . . . . . . . . 187
Crystal A. Dozier and Justin Jennings

v
vi Contents

8 Sustainable Resources in Pre-hispanic Coastal Ecuador:

Their Associated Iconography and Symbolism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205
César Iván Veintimilla-Bustamante and Mariella García-Caputi
9 The Achumera: Gender, Status, and the San Pedro Cactus
in Moche Ceramic Motifs and Iconography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237
Sarahh Scher
10 The Symbolic Value of Food in Moche Iconography . . . . . . . . . . . 257
Margaret A. Jackson

Part II Andean Foodways, Indigenous Customs,

and Transformations among Colonial
and Contemporary Andean Cultures
11 Maize in Andean Food and Culture: Interdisciplinary
Approaches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283
John E. Staller
12 Imperial Appetites and Altered States: The Spanish
Transformation of the Inca Heartland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 311
R. Alan Covey
13 Fermented Intoxicants and Other Beverages Among Hispanic
and Indigenous Cultures in the Audiencia De Quito,
and Their Roles in Rituals and Rites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337
Juan Martínez Borrero
14 Introduced Fruit Species as Food Heritage in the Quebrada de
Humahuaca, Jujuy Province, Argentina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 361
D. Alejandra Lambaré, Nilda D. Vignale, and María Lelia Pochettino
15 Commercializing the “Lost Crop of the Inca”: Quinoa
and the Politics of Agrobiodiversity in “Traditional” Crop
Commercialization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 383
Emma McDonell
16 Pachamanca-A Celebration of Food and the Earth . . . . . . . . . . . . . 407
Matthew P. Sayre and Silvana A. Rosenfeld
17 Ethnicity and Ritual in the Atacameños Andes: Water,
Mountains, and Irrigation Channels in Socaire
(Atacama, Chile) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 423
América Valenzuela and Ricardo Moyano
Chapter 1
Andean Foodways: Interdisciplinary
Approaches to Pre-Columbian, Colonial,
and Contemporary Food and Culture

John E. Staller

Abstract Pre-Columbian Andean cultures have generally been characterized as

having strong cultural and religious ties to their surrounding landscape and the natural
world. Plants and animals associated with this sacred landscape have had, and in some
societies continue to have, a particular cultural and religious meaning. Food crops
and cultigens that sustained life and their associated preparation were often seen as
a sacred act, with strong cultural associations to ethnic identity. Other plants have
had direct associations to ritual and religious practices and were seen as sacred,
reaffirming the diversity and complexity of Andean foodways and local cuisines.
Anthropologists and archaeologists have documented the symbolic complexity of
the natural world and the social importance of feasting, rituals and rites in contem-
porary and historical societies. Cultural perceptions and beliefs regarding the natural
world and their associated plants and cuisines were subsequently modified to varying
degrees by the Spanish conquest and introduction of foreign plants and animals.
Contributions in this volume explore the art history and history to examine the roles
of food through particular interdisciplinary lenses. Research from diverse regions
of the cordillera further emphasize the diversity of Andean cultures. Contributions
explore and analyze these topics in the context of historic and contemporary Andean
culture, with examples of how domesticates, cuisines, their preparations, and basic
ingredients continue to influence present day foodways and regional tastes.

Introduction

Contributions to this volume provide evidence of the diversity and variability of

Andean food and culture and how traditional foodways were transformed by the
Spanish conquest and introduction of native food crops and domesticated biota.
The volume is primarily organized chronologically. Part I Pre-Columbian Food and
Cultures: Andean Culinary and Ritual Practices consists of archaeological research

J. E. Staller (B)
Botanical Research Institute of Texas, Fort Worth, USA
e-mail: jstaller@[Link]

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license 1
to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021
J. E. Staller (ed.), Andean Foodways, The Latin American Studies Book Series,
[Link]
2 J. E. Staller

and studies of changing patterns of consumption during pre-Columbian times in

different regions of the coast and highlands. Several chapters also incorporate inter-
disciplinary evidence in order to support their interpretations. In Part II, Andean
Foodways, Indigenous Customs, and Transformations among Colonial and Contem-
porary Andean Cultures contributors explore the changes and transformations which
occurred after the Spanish conquest with the introduction of Eurasian domesti-
cated food crops and animals. Several contributions in this part of the volume use
ethnographic evidence from contemporary indigenous Andean cultures to document
their assertions with regard to preparations of drink and traditional cuisines in the
highlands.
The Andes are geographically and culturally diverse with many environmen-
tally challenging habitats and represent the second highest and the longest moun-
tain range in the world. The Andes extend from Colombia and Venezuela in the
north to Argentina and Tierra del Fuego in the south. Consequently, ecologies are
extremely complex and environmentally distinct and diverse due in large part to the
fact that a major part of the cordillera is near or on the equator. The multiple habitats
and ecological settings, their associated culinary, ritual, and religious traditions are
highly varied through time and space among Andean cultures (Murra 1972; Ugent
and Ochoa 2006; Dillehay and Kaulicke 2011). In the central highlands, food and
cuisines are not only phenomena within culture, but they are also referents through
which many behavioral and performative aspects of culture may be better understood.
Cultural, religious, and culinary traditions in combination with striking geographic
diversity and a complex colonial history make the Central Andes a unique, impor-
tant, and interesting region of the world. This volume on Andean food and culture
presents evidence that analyzes and documents the various ways that both indige-
nous and Spanish colonial cultures past and present incorporated plants, animals,
and natural resources into their lives. Contributors examine topics related to food
from pre-Colombian archaeology and colonial accounts, as well as ethnographic
evidence, and contemporary international economies. These contributions provide
important evidence on how cultural and economic associations were linked to culi-
nary traditions, cultural and ethnic identities, as well as political authority during
pre-Columbian times, as well as after the Spanish conquest in the context of the
Colonial, and contemporary economies. Many of the modern Andean culinary prac-
tices have their origins in the pre-Columbian past, and some of the food practices are
syncretic in that they reflect a combination of ancient Andean food habits with prac-
tices and behaviors which emerged after the Spanish conquest and introduction of
exotic flora and fauna. These contributions document how food practices are directly
tied to Andean social organization, spirituality, and cultural perceptions regarding
what is generally referred to as a sacred landscape.
Indigenous Andes cultures consume and prepare distinct foods, beverages, and
cuisines to a large degree to create their own ethnic identities and foster social
alliances. This has been documented archaeologically, mentions in numerous colo-
nial accounts, and continues among contemporary Andean cultures. Contributions to
this volume on foodways present research which indicate pre-Columbian, Colonial,
and contemporary culinary traditions are the result from the union of a cornucopia of
1 Andean Foodways: Interdisciplinary Approaches to Pre-Columbian … 3

native foodstuffs which were subsequently transformed with introduced non-native

plants, animals, and associated foodways (Lau, Toohey, Covey, Martinez, McDonell,
Sayre and Rosenfeld, this volume). Anthropological and historical research on how
the conquest of the New World changed culinary traditions and methods of prepa-
ration among contemporary cultures is also presented that are linked to long-term
themes in anthropological query (e.g., Coe 1994; Schiebinger 2004; Schiebinger
and Swan 2005; Villavicencio 2007; Staller 2010a, b; Earle and Costin 1989; Dietler
and Hayden 2001; Jennings and Bowser 2009). In many cases, the preparation and
ingredients of different cuisines were preserved archaeologically or combined in
interesting and innovative ways with introduced species among contemporary indige-
nous cultures (Staller, Covey, Martinez Borrero, Bonzani, Dozier and Jennings, Sayre
and Rosenfeld, this volume).

Andean Culture and the Natural World

In the Andes, cultural behaviors and associations that accompany the cultivation,
production, and consumption of food are interrelated to religious rituals and prac-
tices commonly related to calculating the annual solar and lunar cycles ((Veintimilla
and Garcia Caputi, Scher, Jackson, this volume). Pre-Columbian Andean religious
ideologies were inherently telluric, that is, naturalistic and spatial, essentially repre-
senting a veneration of the natural world and celestial cycles (Sullivan 1984, 1988;
Sharon 2001; Staller 2006, 2008a, b). Western epistemological distinctions between
the natural world and culture, of humanity as distinct and separate from nature, or
acting in a certain way upon the social and natural environment contrasts with tradi-
tional indigenous Andean concepts, where this dichotomy is essentially reciprocal
rather than oppositional (Sullivan 1988; Sharon 2001; Staller 2008a, b). Anthro-
pologists, archaeologists, and ethnobotanists have in recent decades applied their
knowledge of Andean culture and ritual practices to investigate the significance of
food and cuisines to culture, ethnic identity, political economies, and ancient reli-
gious ideologies (Prieto, Tantaleán and Rodriquez, Bonzani, Staller, Toohey, this
volume). The natural landscape, its cycles and rhythms, continues to be perceived
as interrelated and dynamic expressions of mythology, history, and economics and
intrinsically related to their ethnic identities (Sullivan 1987, 1988; Staller 2008b).
In the Andes, certain plants and food fulfill spiritual needs and have sacred mean-
ings that go beyond purely economic subsistence or requirements for sustenance
(Scher, Jackson, Staller, Lambaré et al., this volume). Cultural, religious, and culi-
nary traditions among Andean cultures reflect the integration of native biota and
introduced maritime resources, domesticated plants, animals, and their associated
cuisines. Foods and beverages among ancient and contemporary Andean cultures
have historically played major roles in defining cultural and ethnic identities to their
surrounding landscapes (Tantaleán and Rodríguez, Toohey, Sayre and Rosenfeld, this
volume). Andean foods and cuisines frequently are referents through which people
conduct many behavioral and performative aspects of their rites and rituals, as well as
 Introduction   5
in a house) where a Sufi master initiates his disciples to a specific tariqa.25 In
other words, zawiya is the very institution where a tariqa is taught and practiced.
But zawiya is not reduced to its tariqa, since the zawiya functions also as an eco-
nomic, cultural, and social institution—and not just as a way of being in the
world. Tariqa itself preceded the zawiya. As Jamil Abun-­Nasr argues, “the expan-
sion of the tariqa since the thirteenth century took the form of the foundation of
zawiya for them in new lands, usually by local Sufis shaykhs initiated into
them.”26 Thus, while one finds only one tariqa, say Qadiriya or Tijaniya, every-
where in Africa, and in the Middle East, one finds a significant number of zawiya
(plural: zawâya) claiming affiliations with the tariqas Qadiriya and Tijaniya.
Thus, it is the zawiya themselves that operate like political, spiritual, economic,
and even cultural institutions that became important factors to spread Sufism (or
rather their tariqas, their Ways) and to resist colonial rule. A quick glance, even
today, at the maps of major zawiyas such as Qadiriya, Tijaniya, Shadiliya, demon-
strates their defiance of national and ethnic borders since they exist in North,
South, East, West, and even in the Middle East, and in Central Asia.27
Nevertheless, tariqas with their zawiyas implemented across the continent
proved themselves to be an important factor of connecting parts of the continent
to each other, and thus contributing to what historians call the Islamization of
Africa.28 Tariqas also connect the African continent itself to the Middle East and
to Asia. Furthermore, it is within these tariqas themselves that Sufism took on a
form of their own usually referred to as African Islam. It is argued that Sufism is
an African Islam insofar as Sufism implemented and developed in Africa by
local leaders in institutions of tariqa upon which they had total control.29
The connections created and cemented by Sufi orders in and beyond Africa
were a primary target for colonial regimes that practiced the famous “divide and
rule policy” in the colonies. Colonial authorities sought to oppose and under-
mine Sufi practices, control, manipulate, and sometimes utterly destroy zawiyas,
but it also generated narratives about them as part of its strategy of adversity
against them. Colonial scholarship throughout the nineteenth century focused
largely on Islam and more specifically on Sufism because of the challenge it
imposed on the colonial enterprise. Part of this scholarship was an attempt to
understand the Sufi system of beliefs, the political and social role of the tariqas,
and part of it was also to instrumentalize this knowledge for colonial rule and
conquest. Whether it was Louis Rinn in Algeria, Paul Marty in Senegal, P. J.
André in West Africa, or later Trimingham in West Africa,30 Sufism was con-
sidered to be an Islamic specificity of Africa; it was also considered to be dif-
ferent from scriptural Islam, that of the ‘ulama’, and lastly it was by and large
considered to be a threat to the then dominant colonial enterprise.31
The advent of colonialism in the name of the project of modernity was
undoubtedly the greatest challenge to Sufism.32 Not only because modernity
itself negated “religion” as unmodern and thus an expression of a premodern and
backward development, but also because colonialism as a project of conquest
threatened the very existence of Sufism itself—its system of beliefs, its institu-
tions, and its cultural heritage. Hence, quickly Sufi saints and lodges were to
6   A. Hannoum
become the main sources of anti-­colonial resistance and also the main protectors
of Islamic heritage and its traditions.33
It is interesting to note that the encounter of Europe with Islam in Africa was
an encounter in crucial ways with Sufism itself—save to a certain extent for the
case of Egypt.34 And upon this encounter that was conflictual if not utterly
violent, a discursive formation on Sufism had developed. It is then that a number
of categories were invented to create divisions, undermine Sufi connections, and
racialize Islam. Hence the birth of a number of names such as Arab Islam, Black
Islam, Islam of the Center, Islam of the Periphery, and even later between “scrip-
tural Islam” and “Sufi Islam”—the first is said to be urban, the domain of the
‘ulema’, the second rural, the realm of Sufis.35
In the middle of colonial rule, Sufism faced another enemy—nationalism, a
child of colonialism, that sought to eliminate it as a political enemy both by har-
boring the idea of progress against it and by casting its adaptability and its
strategy of survival as “collaboration.”36 By the time of the independence of
African nations in the 1960s, Sufism on the continent was perceived as the rem-
nants of an earlier age that was not only doomed to vanish, but also that the
ideology of progress worked to hasten its disappearance.
However, except for phases of nationalist fervor (that were rather short) Sufism
has proved today to be an important (lodestar and) moral compass for millions of
African Muslims from Morocco to Egypt, to the east African coast, and back west
to Senegal.37 Nowadays, Sufism is called on even publicly by nationalist govern-
ments to play a role in curbing the spread of political Islam. That political Islam is
making gains in the nationalist domain is beyond doubt, even before the so-­called
Arab Spring.38 In Morocco and in Egypt, Sufi orders benefited from strong govern-
ment support, as manifested by the several international festivals organized annu-
ally with great flourish and fanfare. In Algeria, after over a decade of bloodshed
fighting militant Islam, the government publicly encourages Sufism as a way of
life, and provides financial and political support of Sufi lodges.39 In Somalia, a
country that has been torn apart by civil war, in March 2010 Sufis were asked to
join government fights against the Shabâb, a political movement believed to be
linked to the famous infamous al-­Qaida.40 In several African countries state-­
sponsored festivals promote Sufism, often to curb the rising influence of Salafi
movements. Some Sunni institutions of ‘ulama’ themselves strategically allied
with Sufi tariqas in ways that totally blur the old divide between ‘ulama’ and Sufis.
The chapters in this volume are not a history of Sufism in the usual sense of
the use of the term “history”—a linear development, a genealogy of ideas, a
story with a beginning and end. Rather the volume offers case studies of Sufism
in Africa. It has a decidedly important historical dimensional in that it tackles
Sufism from a variety of historical moments, from the eighteenth century to the
present, in a variety of places from Sudan and Egypt to Senegal and Nigeria with
a heavy focus on the Maghreb region. The point is that by examining Sufi
experiences in these regions, a new understanding of Sufism in Africa will be
conveyed. The volume aims indeed at providing an understanding of Sufism in
Africa through a variety of examples that will in turn show that Sufi practices
 Introduction   7
and doctrines in Africa are diverse and varied. This diversity of Sufi experiences
is approached in this volume by experts in different fields working on a variety
of materials in Arabic, Wolof, French, and English.
By exploring the cultural dimension of Sufism in Africa, this volume seeks to
create a deeper understanding of the religion and perhaps to inspire consideration
of Islam as something other than an opposing world view. Sufism is already the
object of tremendous Euro-­American scholarship, but many of these studies focus
on the Middle East and Central Asia (so many are focused on Central Asia). The
several volumes that have appeared about Sufism in Africa since the 1970s make
important contributions to our understanding of the numerous discourses and
practices of one variety of Islam. Yet most of the scholarship on Sufism in Africa
consists of religious genealogies attempting to understand the spiritual ontology
of Sufism, or its colonial politics, but rarely do these works treat the wider cul-
tural practices of Sufism in the arts, rituals, and performance.41
It should be noted that this volume does not intend to participate in the more
recent efforts to rehabilitate Sufism or to defend its “return.” Its goal is academic
and therefore educational; it is an attempt to understand, in the context of intense
debate on Islam, a kind of Islam that is spiritual in its claims and highly artistic
and creative in its practices. The volume consists of chapters by experts on Islam
in Africa, and addresses Sufi arts and ritual performances. The contributions are
mostly anthropological in orientation. Each contributor tackles Sufism in a spe-
cific geographical area, focusing on one or more aspects. The authors share the
view that Sufism consists not only of an ensemble of core beliefs, but also of
cultural practices that revolve around the arts, rituals, and performance. The
volume does not intend to contribute solely to a religious history of Sufism, but
rather attempts to make use of this history to understand the practice and the pol-
itics of African Sufism.
The quest of Sufism is always political, as demonstrated by several chapters
in this volume. The quest of Sufism does indeed not only require a rupture
between the student of Sufism and his family and entourage, but also the begin-
ning of an institutional relation between the student and an institution of know­
ledge—be it a madrassa, a zawiya, a mosque, or any other form of relation
articulated on the model, described by Hammoudi in this volume, of master and
disciple. To say it differently, if as stated at the outset of this Introduction, the
history of Islam in Africa is mostly a history of Sufism, the history of Sufism is
also in large part a history of modern politics in Africa. Several chapters in this
volume examine these various politics: politics of tariqas, politics with and
within the nation state, politics with colonialism, and, of course, politics of per-
formance which are themselves performance of politics.
Sufism reached sub-­Saharan regions mostly by way of the Maghreb (that is,
the northern African region that constitutes the link between sub-­Saharan Africa
and the Middle East). It is thus imperative to examine Sufism in this region of
the North to understand its paradigms and cultural foundations.42 To this end,
both the contributions of Abdelmajid Hannoum and Abdallah Hammoudi
examine the hagiographic discourse and the practices of major Sufi saints.
8   A. Hannoum
Hannoum looks at the paradigm of sanctity in Sufi practices by analyzing a hagi-
ographic text of the eighteenth century only to show how the ideal type of the
Sufi saint is constructed via displacement: that is, travel to specific places (a
travel performance, so to speak), regulated by cultural norms. Some places are
imagined as closer to the origin of the Islamic faith than others, and thus purify
the Sufi saint himself till he reaches a supreme stage that makes him capable of
performing miracles such as uttering poetry and revelation. Hannoum argues that
in this transformation, the Sufi saint follows the Prophetic model that begins
with initiation and when successful, ends with ascension (mi’râj). The spiritual
enterprise, when completed, tends to develop into a political project and often
competes with the established political order. Hence the classical theme in hagi-
ographic literature of the opposition between the Saint and the Sultan. Ham-
moudi extends his analysis to include several Sufi practices throughout the
nineteenth and twentieth century that also demonstrate how Sufi practices per-
formed according to cultural rules significantly participate in the construction of
the self and transform the ordinary person, usually a child, into a holy man
whose enterprise is surely spiritual, but is also undoubtedly political. Hammoudi
points to the centrality of the Sufi model of master and disciple as a dichotomy
foundational to North African political culture. Therefore, he concludes that
refers “Arab authoritarianism” has its cultural origin in this relation.
The politics of Sufism is also clearly articulated in the chapter by Cheick
Babou using the case of Amadu Bamba. In it, the author examines Sufism in
relation to colonial politics. Indeed, in the very midst of the colonial period in
the late nineteenth century, the Sufi saint Amadu Bamba, founder of the Murid
Muslim order in Senegal, disturbed the French with his anticolonial politics—so
much so that they exiled him to Gabon from August 1895 to November 1902.
Babou not only discusses the interaction of Sufi politics and colonial powers, but
also examines how this Sufi narrative of anticolonial resistance continues to play
an important role in national imagination even today. This narrative, Babou
argues, “turn setbacks into victories” and thus makes of the colonial past a
national narrative of the present in which the Murid Sufi order has a major part.
The chapter by Hanretta examines a similar case of a Sufi Saint, Yacouba
Sylla, and his opposition to French colonial rule in Mauritania. However, Han-
retta opts not to focus on the colonial episode itself, but on the female followers
of Yacouba Sylla in West Africa that represent the majority in this Sufi move-
ment. Hanretta discusses the social and economic conditions in which women
joined and became an important group of Yacoubists. Seeing the crisis of 1929,
Hanretta argues, Yacouba Sylla engaged in daring reforms that changed some
important Islamic practices in west Africa that appealed not only to women, but
also to poor men, such as abolishing dowries, allowing women to participate in
dikhr and haidara, and urging marriages between the community irresponsive of
social status. Hanretta shows how these Sufi quasi female movements introduce
not only an Islamic vision of equality amongst its members (male and female,
nobility and poor people, free men and women and salves), but also likened its
beliefs and practices to the story of Fatema (the Prophet’s daughter). Dreaming
 Introduction   9
of the Prophet giving both recognition and instruction to the new saint is para-
digmatic in Islamic hagiographic literature, but Sylla received both interestingly
enough not from the Prophet, but from his daughter.
Jacqueline Brinton examines the politics of Sufism in contemporary Egypt by
looking first at the dichotomy that opposes Sufis to ‘ulama’ and then at the one
that opposes high Sufism to low Sufism. If Sufism was targeted as a proof of back-
wardness by Colonial rulers and as a sign of deviation from true Islam by modern-
ist reformists, it has been officially reintegrated into official Islam by the highly
authoritative institution that is Al Azhar. Brinton shows how the rise of Salafism in
Egypt and the activism of the Muslim Brotherhood (that too denigrates Sufism as
non-­Islamic) made the government, especially through the institution of the Azhar,
ally itself with Sufism in order to foster a type of Islam congruent with government
politics of moderate (even apolitical) Islam. Sufism itself, Brinton argues, has been
reinvented to “supplement more conventional practices and beliefs.” She examines
the new brand of Sufism to show not only how it is different from the Sufi prac-
tices, but also how certain practices (such as tomb visitations) were reintegrated
into its practice using the language of their critiques. Brinton takes on as an
example the highly charismatic figure Mutwali Sha‘rawi, a ‘âlim, and a television
preacher who is seen as a government mouthpiece by his critics, the least of whom
are the Muslim Brotherhoods. Yet, Sha‘rawi’s disciples, followers, and admirers,
especially after his death, also considered him a saintly figure or an “eventual
saint,” as Brinton puts it. This is to say, that this ‘âlim, who was a television celeb-
rity, is now the object of a hagiography that has turned him into a holy man and
that stresses the esoteric dimension of his teaching. Brinton focuses on the celebra-
tion of the mawlid in Sha‘rawi’s hometown and his honor as an example of how
mawlid (which is originally a Shia practice) has become part of the legacy of
Sha‘rawi now celebrated both as a ‘âlim and a friend of God, a “legacy of accept-
able, intellectual Egyptian Sufism,” Brinton says.
The chapter by Rogaia Abusharaf also addresses the question of Sufi politics,
but in the Sudan, and more specifically in Darfur, a region that has been the theater
of spectacular violence that has became world news since 2003. Abusharaf exam-
ines the call for peace in Darfur by Sheikh Musa, a Sufi member of the Tijaniya
order. Her field site is the meeting that takes place in Qatar. What one sees in this
fascinating example is how the teaching of Sufism appears to ethnography as an
effective form of mediation and conflict resolution. Abusharaf argues indeed that,
given that “the divine benevolence and clemency is the central ingredient of their
systems of beliefs,” the work of Sheikh Musa was remarkable. Tensions were
reduced as a result of his call. Part of this was also the historical role Sufism played
in feud mediation, especially in the case of Darfur in which 90 percent of the
Muslim population follows Sufi Islam. However, Abusharaf shows that the call for
peace by this Sufi leader not only reached the various ethnic groups in Darfur, it
even reached the Salafi groups as well. Through this Sheikh, the Tijaniya tariqa
showed that Sufism is capable of managing the most difficult wounds in the most
diverse circumstances. In other words, as in the past, Sufism matters, and matters
even more because of its world view, and its embrace of unity.
10   A. Hannoum
Several chapters tackle the question of performance in Sufism to draw atten-
tion to the fact that it is not only a doctrine, a set of beliefs, or an attitude that
makes it less scriptural and less ritualistic (as some canonical texts in anthropol-
ogy have for a long time argued)43 and more a mood. Rather, these chapters
stress the fact that Sufism consists also of a set of rituals and practices that set it
apart from orthodox Islam. Furthermore, given the fact that what is loosely
called Sufism in Africa refers to a variety of beliefs, rituals, and practices, the
concept of performance is also intended to explain and highlight the diversity of
rituals and practices commonly referred to as African Sufism, primarily amongst
them music, architecture, and visual arts.
It is this crucially important dimension that several chapters articulate in this
volume. Most notably are the chapters by Deborah Kapchan and Amanda
Rogers. The contributions of both Amanda Rodgers and Deborah Kapchan
investigate Sufi musical practices by focusing on the Sufi Gnawa group in
Morocco. They offer a link between the Maghreb and Africa since the Gnawa
were historically black slaves brought to the region from the sixteenth century,
precisely during the golden age of Sufism in the region.
Amanda Rogers shows how the Sufi Gnawa were able to invent an entire rep-
ertoire. This was in part the result of the North African conquest of the sub-­
Saharan region, especially Mali, and in part the result of forced migration—that
is, slavery. This musical repertoire is made of pre-­Islamic bori practices integ-
rated with Islamic practices. It is anchored in the foundational history of Islam
itself through the narrative of one of the earliest converts, a Black slave by the
name of Bilal, who is believed by some to have been adopted as a son by the
Prophet. Rogers’ contribution illustrates the dynamics of a new Islamic Sufi tra-
dition within the diversity of Islam. This new Sufism is orthodox, despite the
incorporation of what appear to be elements of non-­Islamic practices.
Deborah Kapchan examines how Sufi performance participates in the creation
of the sacred in a global audience composed of people from different faiths,
nationalities, and social milieus in the Moroccan city of Fes. She focuses on the
same Sufi group Rogers discusses, but instead of looking for origins, she looks at
sacred music festivals in Fes. More specifically, she examines the “affect
economy” of the artistic, acoustic performance. In Fes audiences are as diverse
and varied as the performances, linked together by an experience of what
Kapchan calls the “festive sacred,” an experience that makes oneness out of
multiplicity, and uniqueness out of diversity. The “sacred festive” in Fes creates a
transnational community and turns tourism into a pilgrimage. As Kapchan puts it:

[D]rawing together heterodox (multi-­faith) audiences from all over the globe,
these festivals create public sentiment through the re-­appropriation and fet-
ishization of the category of the “sacred,” creating in the process a new form of
pilgrimage in sacred tourism and a new kind of liturgy in world sacred music.

Sufis are also known for their architectural design; they are great builders of
mosques, shrines, and even cities. Throughout Muslim Africa, Sufi shrines
 Introduction   11
express faith via various types of building and designs. As Neil McHugh argues
in his chapter on Sufi shrines in the Sudan, these shrines are the result of
exchanges between different areas of the Muslim world, and also between the
Sudan and other non-­Islamic traditions, including Christian and animist. Sufi
shrines in the Sudan, Neil maintains, express their system of beliefs through their
form. This system includes an ecumenical ideology in which the self and the
other are part and parcel of the same entity. They can be separated only by an
exclusive ideology, but they can also reunite, using Sufi knowledge that intuit-
ively sees the connections where the mind may not. The same shrines are not
only monuments recounting the deeds of bygone saints and Sufis; they are places
of pilgrimage as well as sites of healing.
In their chapter, Allen Roberts and Mary Nooter Roberts examine the visual
performativity of Sufi culture in Senegal. Against the idea that Islam disapproves
of representation, they demonstrate that Sufi orders in Senegal place a great
emphasis on visual representation. They analyze three sites to show how visual
representation, especially of Sufis, constitute an important dimension for Sufi fol-
lowers and artists associated with Mourides, Layennes, and Tijaniya. Roberts
examine a wall graced with portraits where followers interact with the image of
the saint to benefit from his baraka. However, what is interesting about this first
site is the fact that pictures of a Tijani saint are adjacent to portraits of world
leaders in politics and arts, bringing thus, as Roberts argues, “the word to his
informal community.” Roberts also examines the visual performativity of what he
calls “domestic devotional environment.” This is a second site where again por-
traits of saints are “performed and perform,” they are drawn as a presence of the
saint and yet here too the interaction as well as the very space in which they are
performed bring blessing and promote well-­being. But the visual performativity is
not only limited to portraits of saints, it also encompasses (in the third site of
Roberts’ fieldwork) words, especially the sacred name of Allah and His Prophet.
For indeed, calligraphy is an important art in Islam whose focuses are precisely the
names of the Creator, His messenger, as well as His words from the Quran.
Roberts argues that by focusing on writing, on performing the sacred writing that
people have “found a way to live within a text so mystical that few can hope to
read its letters and phrases, yet all can benefit from its blessing.” In any case,
through a “thick description” of Sufi arts in various sites, Roberts demonstrate that
images (and words) of Sufi saints are “optic and haptic,” in their own phrasing.
This volume is not just another volume to be added to the already rich liter-
ature about Sufism. By focusing on the practices of Sufism in Africa, this volume
aims at filling an important gap in the studies of Sufism in general and the study
of Sufism in Africa in particular. Because of the various disciplines of its con-
tributors, the volume offers an interesting interdisciplinary approach to Sufism.
Our volume is distinguished by the fact that it is informed by the most recent
debates on the anthropology of religion and performance studies. And because it
is so, we hope the volume will be of interest not only to students and scholars in
African and Islamic studies, but also students of religious studies as well as per-
formances studies.
12   A. Hannoum
Notes
1 This perspective is different from that suggested by Paul Heck who argues “it is best to
speak of the politics of Sufism in terms of engaged distance—engaged with society but
in principle distant from worldly power” (“The Politics of Sufism, Is there One?” p. 14).
Heck uses the concept of politics in a strict sense—and thus overlooks the important
fact that Sufism itself, by its very distance from a certain Islam, sometimes by its very
disengagement from the state, by its very organization in tariqas, is political.
2 Austin, How to Make Things with Words; Benveniste, Problèmes de linguistique
générale; Greimas, Sémantique Structurale. See chapter 1.
3 Singer, When a Great Tradition Modernizes.
4 Ibid.
5 Turner, Forest of Symbols.
6 Bauman, “Verbal Art as Performance,” p. 290.
7 Bauman, Verbal Arts as Performance, p. 11.
8 See article “Tasawwuf ” by Louis Massignon in Encylopaedia of Islam. Also, article
“Soufisme” by Jacqueline Chabbi in Encylopedia Universalis, Vol. 21. For more
detailed studies, see Ernst, Teaching of Sufism. Also, Lings, What is Sufism?
9 For a general history of the Maghreb, see Jamal Abun-­Nasr, History of the Maghreb.
Also, Laroui, L’histoire du Maghreb. For a detailed study about Sufism in North
Africa in the Middle Ages, see Amri, Al-­tasawwuf bi ifrîqiya fî al‘asr al-­wasît, p. 23.
10 Nimtz, Islam and Politics in East Africa, especially pp. 3–15.
11 Laroui, L’histoire du Maghreb.
12 Seemann, “Sufism in West Africa.”
13 For this history, see Levtzion and Pouwels, The History of Islam in Africa. See also
Hunwick, West Africa, Islam, and the Arab World.
14 Nimtz, Islam and Politics in East Africa, pp. 56, 71.
15 See article “Soufisme” by Jacqueline Chabbi in Encylopedia Universalis.
16 Nimtz, Islam and Politics in East Africa, pp. 55–71.
17 Westerlund, Sufism in Europe and North America.
18 Sahroudi, Awârif, p. 59, cited by Amri, Al-­tasawwuf bi ifrîqiya fî al‘asr al-­wasît, p. 23.
19 Ibn Khaldun, Târîkh al’ibar, p. 514.
20 Lings, What is Sufism?
21 Massignon, “Tasawwuf.”
22 See the work of Talal Asad, especially Genealogies of Religion and Formations of the
Secular.
23 Ernst and Lawrence, Sufi Martyrs of Love, p. 13.
24 Knot, “Sufi Brotherhoods in Africa.”
25 Abun-­Nasr, Muslim Communities of Grace, p. 179. The term “zawiya” was first asso-
ciated with the term ribât which were religious hostels supported by the revenue of
awqâf (pious foundations). Ibid., pp. 61–62.
26 Ibid., p. 178.
27 For an example, see Basu and Werbner, Embodying Charisma. See also for the case
of Tijaniya, the monograph of Jamil Abun-­Nasr, The Tijaniyya.
28 Robinson, Muslim Societies in African History; Nimtz, Islam and Politics in East Africa.
29 Nimtz, Islam and Politics in East Africa, pp. 70–71.
30 Rinn, Marabouts et Khouan; Mary, Etude sur l’Islam au Sénegal; André, L’islam
noir; Trimingham, The Christian Approach to Islam in the Sudan, Islam in the Sudan,
Islam in Ethiopia, and Islam in West Africa.
31 See Martin, Muslim Brotherhoods in Nineteenth Century Africa. Also, Roman Loi-
meier, Muslim Societies in Africa.
32 See Martin, Muslim Brotherhoods in Nineteenth-­Century Africa.
33 The scholarship on this topic is abundant. For a general view, see Abun-­Nasr, Com-
munity of Grace. Also, Martin, Muslim Brotherhoods in Nineteenth-­Century Africa.
 Introduction   13
In this volume, Chapter 3 by Cheick Babou. For the case of Algeria, see Clancy
Smith, Rebel and Saint.
34 In the case of Egypt, Napoleon’s encounter was mainly, but not exclusively, with
orthodox Islam through its institutions. See al-­Jabarti’s Napoleon in Egypt. For the
encounter with Sufism at the time of Napoleon’s expedition, see Cole, Napoleon’s Egypt.
35 The most eloquent articulation of this dichotomy can be found in Gellner, Muslim
Society.
36 For an interesting case study, see Clancy Smith, Rebel and Saint.
37 See Levtzion and Pouwels, The History of Islam in Africa; Reese, The Transmission
of Learning in Islamic Africa.
38 See Abun-­Nasr, Muslim Communities of Grace, especially pp. 237–255.
39 Muedini, Sponsoring Sufism.
40 Aljazeera, March 16, 2010. [Link]/news/africa/2010/03/2010316541691
[Link], last accessed August 5, 2015.
41 One of the few cases is the more recent volume by Allen Roberts and Mary Nooter
Roberts, A Saint in the City.
42 For the notion of paradigm first applied by Abdallah Hammoudi on sainthood in
Morocco, see his article “Sainteté, pouvoir et société: Tamgrout aux XVIIe et XVIIIe
siècles” in Annales. Économies, Sociétés, Civilisations, Vol. 35, Nos 3–4: 615–641.
See also its application on religion and politics in his Master and Disciple, Chicago
University Press, 1997. For the reworking of the notion, see Abdelmajid Hannoum,
chapter 1 in this volume.
43 Notably Geertz, Islam Observed. More so, Gellner, Saints of the Atlas.

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