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Evaluating Functionalist Views on Education Inequality

Functionalists argue that educational inequality is justified due to varying potentials among different groups, necessitating a tripartite school system. Critics, including Marxists and feminists, contend that this perspective overlooks the myth of meritocracy and the existence of gender inequality in education and the job market. Despite some progress towards equality, significant disparities remain, particularly in employment opportunities based on educational paths and gender roles.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
38 views2 pages

Evaluating Functionalist Views on Education Inequality

Functionalists argue that educational inequality is justified due to varying potentials among different groups, necessitating a tripartite school system. Critics, including Marxists and feminists, contend that this perspective overlooks the myth of meritocracy and the existence of gender inequality in education and the job market. Despite some progress towards equality, significant disparities remain, particularly in employment opportunities based on educational paths and gender roles.

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taha.inaam4
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© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
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Q.1 Functionalist believes that inequality in education is justified.

Evaluate this
view.
According To Functionalist, inequality in education is justified because different groups have
different potential so we cannot gauge students on the bases of their equality.
That’s why they believe that 3 types of school and 2 categories of students can fulfill this
demand. On the other hand Marxist and feminist they are of the opinion that there is myth of
meritocracy and no concept of equality in education. Similarly, feminist also believe that there is
gender inequality which is visible through gendered curriculum and gender stereotyping in job
market.
Functionalists see society as a social system consisting of different institutions (family, work,
education and so on). These institutions are functionally connected in two ways: Each institution
performs certain essential (core) functions, such as providing the means of survival (work) or
secondary socialisation (education). To perform these functions, each institution needs certain
things from other institutions. In contemporary societies, where the workplace usually requires
a certain level of knowledge and skill, the education system needs to provide individuals with
the necessary social and intellectual abilities. Schools perform this function by approving
(accrediting) certain levels of knowledge and skill through qualifications.
The relationship between education and work is one of dependency. The workplace needs the
education system to perform its allotted roles in order for society to function successfully.
In the UK, the 1944 Education Act that established free, universal education explicitly addressed
the relationship between education and the workplace through a difference (distinction)
between: academic students, destined to move on to university and professional employment
vocational (employment-related) students, destined to follow a practical or technical route into
the workforce. Secondary (ages 11–15) education was organised into a three-type (tripartite)
system. Students were allocated to one of three types of school after taking an intelligence test
at age 11. The types of school not only followed contemporary beliefs about the nature of
intelligence, they also reflected current economic needs in terms of types of labour: Grammar
schools provided a wholly academic education and were aimed at the needs of professional
occupations, such as doctors and accountants, based on particular qualifications. Secondary
modern schools provided a mix of vocational and academic education aimed at the needs of the
service sector. Secondary technical schools provided a work-related technical/vocational
education and were aimed at the development of skilled manual occupations. In fact, this
section was never fully established and its function was largely taken over by secondary modern
schools. The argument that this type of division is functional and necessary is reflected in
secondary education systems worldwide:
India has both academic and vocational (school and profession-based) routes through
secondary education. Pakistan has similarly developed academic and technical routes. Mauritius
organises secondary education in a slightly different way, but has also developed a distinction
between academic routes into the workplace and a form of basic education intended to be a
route into vocational training, for around 5% of the school population. The separation of
academic and vocational educational routes reflects a belief in two basic forms of work:
Professional careers, requiring higher levels of deep, abstract knowledge and lower levels of
practical expertise. Non-professional work, requiring higher levels of practical expertise and
lower levels of abstract knowledge.
Tumin (1953), however, questioned the idea that we can objectively measure functional
importance. He argued that this is something we can only establish subjectively and that it
represents an ideological justification for the functionalist analysis of education and its
relationship to the economy. Such arguments are based on a circular or tautological argument
(one that contains its own proof). Accountancy has greater functional importance because it
requires high-level academic qualifications – the demand for advanced academic qualifications
are proof that this occupation is functionally important to the economy.
A second line of criticism of functionalism is that there is little evidence that a genuinely ability-
based (meritocratic) system exists in modern industrial societies. These societies are marked by
inequality, which affects who is able to succeed in the education system. For example, wealthy
people can send their children to fee-paying schools, which effectively buys them social status
rather than children earning it through their own talents. The idea of meritocracy has been
criticised by both interactionists, who focus on school processes to show that education is not
meritocratic, and Marxists, who argue that the ‘meritocracy myth’ hides underlying processes of
class reproduction.
According To Feminist there is sexual division of subjects which is exhibited through gendered
curriculum and even in post modern societies if females has outsmarted males in the education
there is still stereotypical image in job market. For example girls are triggered towards softer
jobs and men for harder jobs. So the concept of inequality is quite visible through education.
Finally we can say, while living in post modern societies we might have experienced equality and
up to some extend it is growing but still there is a far away root to get equality in job market

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In the UK, secondary education is historically structured into a tripartite system distinguishing academic, vocational, and mix-orientations. India and Pakistan have similar academic and vocational tracks guiding students towards professional and technical careers. Mauritius employs a different strategy by separating academic routes from basic education aimed at vocational training, catering to a small portion of its student population. These structures reflect varied approaches to balancing academic and vocational education to meet economic needs .

In the functionalist view, the education system's role is to provide individuals with the social and intellectual abilities necessary for the workplace, thereby supporting society's functioning. Education is seen as secondary socialization, aligning with labor market demands. This is exemplified by the UK’s tripartite system, which divides students into academic and vocational tracks. Similarly, other countries like India and Pakistan have adopted academic and technical routes. Mauritius has also developed a parallel structure differentiating academic from vocational training pathways, tailoring education to professional and non-professional work needs .

The 1944 Education Act in the UK was instrumental in establishing a free, universal education system linked closely with labor market demands. It formalized the tripartite system distinguishing academic, vocational, and technical education, aligning with professional and non-professional work requirements. This Act represented a structural attempt to gear education directly towards workforce needs, thus reinforcing the functionalist perspective of education serving as secondary socialization while contributing to economic productivity. Critics, however, argue that it permanently reinforced educational inequalities by its rigid tracking based on early-age assessments .

Functionalists justify inequality in education by arguing that different groups possess different potentials and thus cannot be gauged equally. They advocate for a system that categorizes students into academic and vocational paths to meet the economy's needs. Marxists and feminists, however, argue against this view by highlighting the myth of meritocracy. They believe that the education system perpetuates class structures and gender inequalities. Marxists point out that the system favors the wealthy who can afford better educational opportunities. Feminists criticize the gendered curriculum and job market stereotyping, claiming that these perpetuate inequality despite advances in education .

Feminist theory critiques gender inequality by underscoring how educational systems and the workforce perpetuate gender biases. They note the presence of a gendered curriculum that limits subject access and reinforces male-dominated narratives. Despite females achieving academic success, they continue to face job market stereotypes that direct them to 'softer' roles while men are oriented towards 'harder' jobs. This indicates enduring gender stereotypes and occupational segregation, hindering true gender equality in both education and employment .

Marxist critiques expose meritocracy as a myth that conceals class reproduction, arguing that wealthier families can afford fee-based schools, giving their children an unearned advantage. Interactionists also highlight the processes within schools that undermine meritocracy. Feminists contribute by pointing out gender inequalities, where even in advanced education, females face stereotyping in the job market. These critiques highlight how education systems perpetuate existing social hierarchies rather than providing a fair, ability-based progression .

Functionalists assert that educational institutions perform essential functions such as secondary socialization and providing necessary skills and knowledge for the workforce. These institutions are functionally connected to the needs of the economy, supplying qualified individuals for professional and vocational roles. The system distributes students across different educational tracks based on perceived potential, thus serving diverse economic sectors. This alignment is seen in how education systems in various countries segment students into academic and vocational paths based on labor market demands .

Functionalists argue that different types of schools and educational paths are necessary to efficiently sort students according to their potential and to meet diverse economic requirements. They see educational separation as essential for societal stability and economic functionality. This view is challenged by Marxist and feminist theories, which argue that such segmentation reinforces existing social inequalities, perpetuates class distinctions (as wealth influences educational opportunities), and sustains gender bias, thus questioning the fairness and objectivity of this educational structuring .

The education system cannot be considered truly meritocratic, according to critiques from interactionist and Marxist perspectives. Interactionists argue that internal school processes often privilege certain groups, thus undermining meritocratic ideals. Marxists claim that educational meritocracy is a facade that obscures inherent class biases, perpetuating social stratification. They highlight that wealth and socioeconomic status play crucial roles in educational success, providing resource access and opportunities unavailable to others, hence replicating existing class structures rather than rewarding true ability .

Tumin critiques the functionalist argument by questioning the objectivity of measuring functional importance and claims it is a subjective ideological justification. He argues that the rationale claiming an occupation’s functional importance due to its high academic demands is circular. For instance, accountancy is deemed important because it requires advanced qualifications, but this demand itself is posited as proof of its economic significance. He challenges the genuine existence of a meritocratic system, suggesting that wealth and social status, rather than ability, largely determine educational success and access .

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