Work Place Ethics

Hassan Raza Jaffry 2023-bbit-77 Maam Dr. Mehreen Shahid

Zeeshan Ikram 2023-bbit-75

Drawing from conservation of resources theory, this study investigates the interactive effect of
employees’ family-to-work conflict and Islamic work ethic on their helping behavior, theorizing that the
negative relationship between family-to-work conflict and helping behavior is buffered by Islamic ethical
values. Data from Pakistan reveal empirical support for this effect. Organizations whose employees
suffer resource depletion at work because of family obligations can still enjoy productive helping
behaviors within their ranks, to the extent that they support relevant work ethics.

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Introduction

Business ethics research acknowledges the importance of employee behaviors designed to help others,
even when that behavior is not part of their formal job descriptions (Deckop et al. 2003; Tang et al.
2008). Such helping behavior is a type of organizational citizenship behavior (OCB), in that employees go
out of their way to assist other organizational members in the successful execution of their jobs (Organ
1988; Tang et al. 2008). Helping behavior contributes to not only peer performance but also
organizational effectiveness and employees’ own well-being. To the extent that employees engage in
such behaviors, they enhance the quantity and quality of peer performance (Podsakoff et al. 1997),
improve group performance (Bachrach et al. 2006), increase the organization’s competitive advantage
(Borman and Motowidlo 1993), and enjoy higher levels of relationship satisfaction for themselves
(Hoption 2016). Moreover, the tendency to be a “good soldier” (Peloza and Hassay 2006) and voluntarily
reach out to other organizational members to help them complete their job tasks has an important
ethical component, in that the notion of being “good” stems from employees’ values and ethics
(Turnipseed 2002). Research in the realm of business ethics thus is interested in determining which
factors can promote or threaten the likelihood that employees undertake beneficial helping behaviors
(Deckop et al. 2003; Tang et al. 2008).

Prior research addresses different factors that can enable employees’ helping behavior, including
intrinsic and prosocial motives (Choi and Moon 2016; Tang et al. 2008), self-enhancement (Seo and
Scammon 2014), transformational leadership (Zhu and Akhtar 2014), positive treatment by coworkers
(Deckop et al. 2003), and group cohesion and cooperation (Liang et al. 2015; Ng and Van Dyne 2005).
Alternatively, negative factors that may steer employees away from helping behaviors include
monetary-driven motives (Tang et al. 2008), excessive task conflict (Ng and Van Dyne 2005), and open
conflict norms (Rispens 2009). Another important factor is employees’ perceptions of family-to-work
conflict, which arise when family responsibilities and demands interfere with their work (Netemeyer et
al. 1996). High levels of family-to-work conflict might deplete their resource bases, leaving employees
unable to execute their regular job tasks (Nohe et al. 2014; Witt and Carlson 2006; Zhang et al. 2012), let
alone direct their energy toward voluntary activities to help other organizational members. Previous
evidence indicates a negative effect of family-to-work conflict on task citizenship behavior, citizenship
behaviors directed at individuals (Beham 2011), and OCB in general (Bragger et al. 2005), and a meta-
analysis affirms the negative relationship between family-to-work conflict and OCB (Amstad et al. 2011).
What extant research has not addressed fully, however, is how the harmful effect of family-to-work
conflict might be contained (Witt and Carlson 2006).

Therefore, the primary research question that drives this research is how employees’ Islamic work ethic,
or the extent to which they embrace Islamic ethical values in their work (Ahmad 2011; Yousef 2001),
might influence the negative relationship between family-to-work conflict and helping behaviors. An
Islamic work ethic emphasizes diligent effort, collaboration, creativity, and morally responsible conduct
(Ali and Al-Owaihan 2008). Islamic ethical values are deeply connected with how Muslims live their daily
lives, including the decisions they make at work, such that actions in the workplace are judged through
the lens of these religious values (Khan et al. 2015). Our consideration of Islamic ethical values also
aligns with arguments in previous business ethics research that employees’ personal values determine
their propensity to promote the well-being of other organizational members (Tang et al. 2008). Previous
research suggests several positive outcomes of Islamic ethical values, including higher organizational
commitment (Yousef 2000), loyalty (Ali and Al-Kazemi 2007), job involvement (Khan et al. 2015),
innovation capability (Kumar and Che Rose 2010), and job satisfaction (Khan et al. 2015), as well as OCB
(Alhyasat 2012; Murtaza et al. 2016). However, it has not considered the usefulness of an Islamic work
ethic for mitigating the likelihood that employees avoid helping behaviors, in response to family
obligations that interfere with their work.

To guide our theoretical arguments about the interactive effect of family-to-work conflict and Islamic
work ethics on helping behavior, we draw from conservation of resources (COR) theory, which argues
that employees are motivated to obtain and protect their resources (Hobfoll 1989). A threat to or actual
loss of resources generates stress, which motivates employees to avoid future resource losses (Beham
2011; Hobfoll 2001). When family obligations interfere with work for example, employees’ resources
“are lost in the process of juggling both work and family roles” (Grandey and Cropanzano 1999: 352).
The motivation to prevent further resource loss then might drive them to withhold discretionary
behaviors, such as helping other organizational members, when they suffer from family-to-work conflict
(Witt and Carlson 2006). Accordingly, previous research identifies COR theory as an appropriate
theoretical framework for examining the behavioral outcomes of conflicts between family and work
domains (Beham 2011; Grandey and Cropanzano 1999; Witt and Carlson 2006).

Notably, COR theory also predicts an important buffering role of employees’ personal resources, which
can help employees cope with situations that create resource losses (Abbas et al. 2014; Hobfoll 2001).
Hobfoll (1989: 516) defines resources as “those objects, personal characteristics, conditions, or energies
that are valued by the individual or that serve as a means for attainment of these objects, personal
characteristics, conditions, or energies” and highlights in turn that “personal characteristics are
resources to the extent that they generally aid stress resistance” (p. 517). Personal values, such as
Islamic ethical values, can be considered part of this definition because an Islamic work ethic “has the
capacity to protect one’s self from organizational stressors” (Khan et al. 2015: 245). Similarly, Astakhova
(2015) relies on COR theory to conceive of employees’ collectivistic values as personal resources that
influence the relationship between their work passion and OCB. Consistent with the COR-based
argument that the depletion of energy resources due to stressful conditions may be countered by access
to valuable personal resources (Witt and Carlson 2006), we propose that an Islamic work ethic buffers
the negative relationship between family-to-work conflict and helping behavior.

In summary, we contribute to research that investigates the individual effects of family-to-work conflict
and Islamic ethical values on the likelihood of employees engaging in OCB. To the best of our
knowledge, previous research has not investigated the combined effects of these factors in a single
study. The key contribution of this study therefore lies in its examination of how the likelihood that
family obligations spill over to the workplace, in the form of lower helping behaviors, might be reduced
by the presence of religiously based ethical values. The proposed buffering role of Islamic ethical values
extends previous research on how these values protect employees from other stressful situations, such
as perceived psychological contract breaches (Shah Bukhari et al. 2011) or unfair procedures or rewards
(Khan et al. 2015). Moreover, by noting the potential moderating role of Islamic work ethics, we extend
business ethics literature that generally has focused on the direct effect of religious-based values on
OCB (Alhyasat 2012; Kutcher et al. 2010; Murtaza et al. 2016). We thus respond to calls for contingency
approaches to the study of Islamic ethical values (Khan et al. 2015).

Theoretical Background and Hypotheses

Helping behaviors targeted at coworkers are intrinsically connected to workplace ethics (Deckop et al.
2003; Tang et al. 2008). For example, employees perceived as more ethical tend to engage in extra-role
behaviors to a greater extent than those who are perceived as less ethical (Murtaza et al. 2016;
Turnipseed 2002). Even though helping behaviors might not always be ethical—actions targeted at
promoting the well-being of certain coworkers might come at the expense of other members, for
example—implicit in the very notion is the sense that personal values and ethics are instrumental for
shaping this behavior (Tang et al. 2008; Turnipseed 2002). Thus, the tendency of employees to go out of
their way to help other organizational members complete their job tasks successfully constitutes a
value-based phenomenon that relates closely to employees’ own individual ethical beliefs (Deckop et al.
2003; Turnipseed 2002). Previous business ethics studies thus identify helping behavior, or OCB in
general, as a critical manifestation of ethical behavior in the workplace (Murtaza et al. 2016; Peloza and
Hassay 2006; Rayner et al. 2012).

In this study, we focus on the role of family-to-work conflict in shaping helping behavior. Conflict
between work and family increasingly is acknowledged as an important determinant of employee
attitudes and behavior (Bourhis and Mekkaoui 2010; Cloninger et al. 2015). For example, working long
hours can have negative consequences for the quality of family life, which is a form of work-to-family
conflict (e.g., Aluko 2009; Major et al. 2002). The stress that employees experience when they bring
family-related strain to the workplace instead constitutes family-to-work conflict (e.g., Cordero et al.
2009; Hammer et al. 2003). Prior research acknowledges the bidirectionality of conflict at the interface
of work and family, such that work-to-family and family-to-work conflict can mutually inform each other
(Boyar et al. 2003; Carlson and Kacmar 2000). For this study, we focus on the latter type, because the
spillover of stress from family to work should be a particularly strong determinant of whether
employees have sufficient residual energy to devote to helping behaviors that are not formally required
by their employer (Frone et al. 1992; Nohe et al. 2014). When family obligations negatively interfere
with work, employees bring problems from home to the workplace, which may leave them struggling to
meet their regular job requirements (Witt and Carlson 2006; Zhang et al. 2012) and with limited time to
engage in voluntary activities. Thus, previous research shows that family-to-work conflict has a negative
effect on the likelihood that employees go out of their way to help other organizational members (e.g.,
Amstad et al. 2011; Beham 2011; Bragger et al. 2005).
The core premise of this study is that the negative effect of family-to-work conflict on helping behavior
should be mitigated by Islamic work ethics—a set of moral principles that distinguish right from wrong in
an Islamic context, encapsulating principles such as hard work, cooperation, creativity, and serving
others (Ali and Al-Owaihan 2008; Beekun 1997). In what follows, we first seek to replicate previous
findings about the direct relationships of family-to-work conflict and Islamic work ethics with the
likelihood of employees to engage in voluntary work behaviors, though we also extend these studies by
grounding our arguments for these relationships in COR theory.Footnote1 Next, and still drawing from
COR theory, we hypothesize that the relationship between family-to-work conflict and helping behavior
is moderated by an Islamic work ethic, such that this personal resource helps employees overcome the
resource depletion that comes with the negative interference of their family with their work.

Family-to-Work Conflict and Helping Behavior

We predict a negative relationship between employees’ perceptions of family-to-work conflict and their
engagement in helping behaviors. According to the scarcity hypothesis, people’s resource reservoirs are
limited, so they need to maintain a balance between their family and work domains to fulfill their roles
in both domains (Marks 1977). When employees believe that their work functioning is significantly
hampered by family obligations, their resource reservoirs become depleted, and they might have
insufficient resources available to meet their regular job responsibilities (Netemeyer et al. 2005; Nohe et
al. 2014; Witt and Carlson 2006). An important mechanism that connects family-to-work conflict with a
reduced likelihood to invest significant efforts in voluntary helping behaviors thus is the motivation to
conserve resources (Hobfoll 2001). If it is difficult to meet their own work goals because of their
preoccupations with family, employees likely focus on meeting formal job expectations, leaving little
room for voluntary activities that contribute to the well-being of others (Witt and Carlson 2006).
According to COR theory, employees whose resource reservoirs are depleted, irrespective of whether
such resource depletion originates from within or outside the workplace, tend to avoid negative
“resource loss spirals” (Hobfoll 2001), as might arise if they invest significant time in activities that are
not formally expected from their employer for example. Discretionary activities, such as taking ample
time to listen to the concerns and problems of coworkers, demand significant energy (Paillé 2011), and
employees who feel drained at work because of severe family demands may not possess these
resources (Witt and Carlson 2006).

Hypothesis 1

There is a negative relationship between employees’ perceptions of family-to-work conflict and their
helping behavior.

Islamic Work Ethic and Helping Behavior

We hypothesize a positive relationship between employees’ Islamic work ethic and their helping
behavior. The principles underlying the Islamic work ethic encourage employees to exhibit voluntarism,
be cooperative when other people are in need (Yousef 2000), and recognize the value of exerting
diligent efforts that benefit fellow human beings (Ali 2005). According to COR theory, employees who
can draw from valuable personal resources are motivated to engage in positive work behaviors, because
they anticipate that these behaviors can generate further resource gains, for themselves and for others
(Hobfoll 1989; Hobfoll and Shirom 2000). An Islamic work ethic thus should translate into an enhanced
propensity to engage in positive work behaviors that increase the well-being of coworkers (Murtaza et
al. 2016). Similarly, previous research indicates that a strong Islamic work ethic fuels a strong intrinsic
joy when employees work hard and are generous in work efforts from which others can benefit (Ali
1988; Ali and Al-Owaihan 2008). Because people with a strong Islamic work ethic experience positive
emotions when helping coworkers meet their job requirements (Ali 2005), they should be motivated to
go out of their way to assist coworkers (Hobfoll and Shirom 2000). Thus, employees with strong Islamic
ethical values engage in helping behavior, because their values increase the personal satisfaction they
derive from such behavior (Ryan and Deci 2000).

Hypothesis 2

There is a positive relationship between employees’ Islamic work ethic and their helping behavior.

Moderating Role of Islamic Work Ethic

We also consider the interactive effect of family-to-work conflict and an Islamic work ethic on helping
behavior. Employees with high Islamic ethical values seemingly might be more sensitive to external
threats to their work, because they feel a strong obligation to fulfill their formal job requirements (Ali
and Al-Owaihan 2008; Yousef 2000), in which case family interference with work might forcefully steer
them away from voluntary helping behavior. Instead, we predict a buffering effect, for several reasons.
First, following the logic of COR theory (Abbas et al. 2014; Hobfoll 2001), a strong Islamic work ethic is a
personal resource that can compensate for the resource loss caused by conflicting demands between
family and work. To cope with the negative interference of family demands with work, employees
benefit from their access to personal resources that protect them from family-related strains (Kahn et al.
1964; Nohe et al. 2014; Witt and Carlson 2006). Because Islamic ethical values fuel employees’ resource
reservoirs and increase their persistence in seeking resolutions to challenging situations (Khan et al.
2015), they should decrease the likelihood that family-to-work conflict escalates and prevents
employees from voluntarily helping their colleagues. Similarly, employees with a strong Islamic work
ethic work hard and may identify different pathways to prevent family obligations from hindering their
work activities (Ali 2005), which further increases their ability to cope with the conflict.

Moreover, according to the principles underlying the Islamic work ethic, employees who can draw from
Islamic ethical values are strongly committed to reach out to their colleagues and contribute to their
success, irrespective of how doing so affects their own job situation (Ali and Al-Owaihan 2008; Yousef
2000). Notably, such helping efforts produce greater resource gains, in the form of personal satisfaction,
for these employees when their helping efforts cannot be taken for granted (Yousef 2001). Because
employees with strong Islamic ethical values enjoy the challenge of finding solutions to adverse work
situations, they should be particularly motivated to engage in voluntary helping behaviors when family
stress spills over into their workplace (Hobfoll and Shirom 2000). That is, a strong Islamic work ethic
should mitigate the potency with which family-to-work conflict reduces helping behavior, by increasing
the joy that the employee derives from avoiding the negative effects of this adverse conflict situation.
Similarly, employees who score high on the Islamic work ethic have a strong intrinsic motivation to
exploit their skill set to deal with challenging situations (Khan et al. 2015; Ryan and Deci 2000).
Therefore, they experience positive feelings of accomplishment when they can deal with these
situations. In contrast, when employees score low on Islamic work ethics, they derive limited joy from
working hard and tend to be more passive in their efforts to resolve adverse situations (Ali and Al-
Owaihan 2008), thereby reducing the likelihood that they will reach out to colleagues and help them in
their work endeavors in the presence of significant family-to-work conflict.

Previous research also suggests that employees who score high on the Islamic work ethic exchange
personal knowledge and experiences with colleagues about hardships they have faced (Murtaza et al.
2016). In turn, they can more readily express concerns about the resource depletion that they
experience due to significant family demands (Witt and Carlson 2006), and colleagues can better
understand and help address those concerns. Similarly, strong Islamic ethical values strengthen
employees’ intrafirm network relationships, creating more opportunities to seek others’ advice about
how to manage the negative interference of family with work (Ali 1992). Overall, it becomes less likely
then that employees find it unfeasible to engage in voluntary helping activities in the presence of
resource-draining family-to-work conflicts (Hobfoll 2001). The resource gains obtained from their peer
interactions (Murtaza et al. 2016)—for example, insights that others in the organization face similar
family-to-work issues and feelings of “being in the same boat” (Nahapiet and Ghoshal 1998)—should
lower the likelihood that family-to-work conflict undermines voluntary helping behaviors (Hobfoll 2001).
Finally, Islamic ethical values stimulate innovation capabilities (Kumar and Che Rose 2010), so they
should help employees find creative solutions for engaging in discretionary behaviors that are not
formally rewarded, even when confronted with the severe interference of family demands with their
work. Conversely, in the absence of a strong Islamic work ethic, the resource depletion that comes with
family-to-work conflict is more difficult to resolve (Murtaza et al. 2016; Nohe et al. 2014), and the
likelihood that such conflict diminishes voluntary efforts to help colleagues then increases.

Hypothesis 3

The negative relationship between employees’ perceptions of family-to-work conflict and their helping
behavior is moderated by their Islamic work ethic, such that the relationship is weaker at higher levels of
an Islamic work ethic.

Research Method

Sample and Data Collection

The data for this study came from several organizations, based in Pakistan and operating in different
sectors, such as chemistry, construction, finance, and education. Access to the organizations was
facilitated by the personal and professional contacts of one of the coauthors. The process consisted of
two paper-and-pencil surveys: one distributed to employees and another to the employees’ supervisors.
English is the official language of correspondence in most professional organizations in Pakistan, as well
as the official language of instruction in high schools and universities, so the survey questions were in
English.

For both surveys, cover letters explained the purpose of the study and assured the participants of the
complete confidentiality of their responses. In particular, they were assured that responses would only
be accessible to the research team, that no information at the individual level would ever be made
public, and that only aggregate data would be accessible to people beyond the research team.
Moreover, we indicated in the surveys that there were no correct or incorrect answers, and we asked
respondents to answer the questions as honestly as possible. These two measures diminish concerns of
social desirability or acquiescence biases (Spector 2006). Before gathering employees’ perceptions about
the presence of family-to-work conflict and assessing their Islamic ethical values, we ensured that all
respondents were Muslim. The second survey asked supervisors to rate the helping behaviors of their
employees. Of the 290 surveys distributed, we received 222 completed pairs, representing 45
supervisors, which reflects a response rate of 77%. Among the respondents, 23% were women, their
average age was 32 years, and 35% had a bachelor degree or lower, 44% had a master degree, and 21%
had a doctoral degree. Further, 59% of the respondents held a staff position without managerial
responsibilities, whereas 41% held managerial positions.

Measures

The measures of the three focal constructs contained items from previous research and used five-point
Likert scales, ranging from 1 (“strongly disagree”) to 5 (“strongly agree”).

Helping Behavior

For the dependent variable, we used the extent to which employees go out of their way to help other
organizational members, with a four-item scale from previous research (Tang et al. 2008). Sample items
include, “This employee helps others who have been absent” and “This employee helps others who have
heavy workloads” (Cronbach’s alpha = .80).

Family-to-Work Conflict

To assess family-to-work conflict, employees indicated the extent to which there was negative
interference of their family obligations with their functioning at work. We applied a five-item scale used
in previous studies (Jawahar et al. 2012; Netemeyer et al. 1996). Two example items are, “Family-related
strain interferes with my ability to perform job-related duties” and “I have to put off doing things at
work because of demands on my time at home” (Cronbach’s alpha = .87).

Islamic Work Ethic

We also applied the well-established, 17-item scale of Islamic work ethic that has been used in many
previous studies (e.g., Ali 1992; Khan et al. 2015; Murtaza et al. 2016). Employees rated the following
statements for example: “Dedication to work is a virtue,” “Human relations in organizations should be
emphasized and encouraged,” “Creative work is a source of happiness and accomplishment,” and
“Justice and generosity in the workplace are necessary conditions for society’s welfare” (Cronbach’s
alpha = .77).Footnote2

Control Variables

We considered several control variables to account for alternative explanations of helping behavior:
gender (1 = female), because women may be more altruistic than men (Belansky and Boggiano 1994);
age (in years), because older employees may be more likely to consider helping behaviors as a moral
obligation (Kanungo and Conger 1993); education (three-point scale, indicating bachelor or lower,
master, or doctorate), because more educated employees may be more skilled in finding ways to help
others (Pooja et al. 2016); and job level (0 = staff position; 1 = managerial position), because employees
in higher positions tend to have less specific performance requirements (Wall et al. 2002) and thus more
opportunities to undertake behaviors that go above and beyond their formal job descriptions (Ye et al.
2012). Following Becker’s (2005) recommendation to omit control variables that may partial out true
variance from the relationships of interest, we undertook a preliminary analysis to check for differences
in helping behaviors for these four controls. An analysis of variance indicated significant differences in
helping behavior for education (p < .05) and job level (p < .05) but not for gender. We also found a
significant correlation between age and helping behavior (p < .01). Thus, we controlled for age,
education, and job level in our models.

Results

In Table 1, we provide the zero-order correlations and descriptive statistics, and in Table 2, we offer the
regression results. Model 1 included the control variables, Model 2 added family-to-work conflict and
Islamic work ethic, and Model 3 added the family-to-work conflict × Islamic work ethic interaction term,
which we calculated after mean-centering its constitutive components (Aiken and West 1991).Footnote3

Table 1 Correlation table and descriptive statistics

Full size table

Table 2 Regression results (dependent variable: helping behavior)

Full size table

Model 1 indicated that helping behaviors were higher among employees who were younger (β = −.021,
p < .05) and had lower education levels (β = −.175, p < .10). These somewhat surprising results suggest
that younger employees may be motivated to engage in helping behaviors because they see these
behaviors as instrumental for receiving something in return over time (Wagner and Rush 2000). More
educated employees also may have more formal job responsibilities, which leaves them less time for
voluntary helping behaviors.

In support of the prediction that employees’ perceptions of the negative interference of family
obligations with work turns them away from positive behaviors that are not formally required, Model 2
showed that family-to-work conflict related negatively to helping behavior (β = −.300, p < .001),
consistent with Hypothesis 1. Model 2 also indicated support for a beneficial role of the Islamic work
ethic: Employees were more likely to engage in helping behavior when they expressed strong Islamic
ethical values (β = .620, p < .001), in support of Hypothesis 2.

In Model 3, we found support for the hypothesized buffering effect of the Islamic work ethic on the
relationship between family-to-work conflict and helping behavior (β = .220, p < .05). The likelihood that
increasing levels of family-to-work conflict would diminish helping behavior decreased when employees
expressed stronger Islamic ethical values, in support of Hypothesis 3. To clarify the nature of this
moderating effect, we plotted the effects of family-to-work conflict on helping behavior at high and low
levels of the Islamic work ethic in Fig. 1, combined with a simple slope analysis (Aiken and West 1991).
The results indicated that the relationship between family-to-work conflict and helping behavior was
significant when an Islamic work ethic was low (β = −.518, p < .001) but became not significant when it
was high (β = −.078, ns), in further support of Hypothesis 3.

Fig. 1

figure 1

Moderating effect of Islamic work ethic on the relationship between family-to-work conflict and helping
behavior

Full size image

Discussion

This study contributes to business ethics research by investigating the unexplored interactive effect of
family-to-work conflict and an Islamic work ethic on helping behavior. The limited previous attention to
this issue is somewhat surprising, especially in light of the recognition that spending significant time on
voluntary activities can be highly challenging for employees when stressful situations at home spill over
to the workplace (Beham 2011; Bragger et al. 2005; Nohe et al. 2014; Zhang et al. 2012). Using COR
theory as a conceptual anchor, this study reveals that reduced helping behavior, as a response to the
resource depletion that comes with family-to-work conflict, is mitigated to the extent that employees
can draw on the critical personal resource of an Islamic work ethic (Ali 1988; Yousef 2001). For business
ethics research, we thus establish a revised and expanded understanding of the occurrence of helping
behaviors in an organization’s ranks.

The direct negative relationship between family-to-work conflict and helping behavior is consistent with
previous studies of OCB (Amstad et al. 2011; Beham 2011; Bragger et al. 2005); more generally, it
mirrors previous findings about the harmful effects of role conflict situations on positive work behaviors
(Eatough et al. 2011). The mechanism underpinning this negative relationship is the resource
conservation that employees seek when family obligations threaten their ability to perform their regular
job tasks successfully (Hobfoll 1989, 2001), such that they become less motivated to allocate significant
energy resources to voluntary helping behaviors (Beham 2011; Tang et al. 2008). The direct positive
relationship between the Islamic work ethic and helping behavior, in turn, shows that employees with
strong Islamic ethic values tend to be more supportive of their coworkers. This personal resource
stimulates employees to collaborate and help others (Yousef 2000), with a strong emphasis on positive
deeds that benefit others (Ali 2005; Murtaza et al. 2016). From a conceptual point of view, the positive
relationship between an Islamic work ethic and helping behavior is also consistent with COR theory
(Hobfoll 1989; Hobfoll and Shirom 2000), in that employees with strong Islamic values derive resource
gains from this behavior, in the form of intensive joy and personal satisfaction (Ali 2005; Ali and Al-
Owaihan 2008).

The principal insight from this study, however, is that an Islamic work ethic also plays a more indirect
beneficial role, by mitigating the negative relationship between employees’ perceptions of family-to-
work conflict and helping behavior. The likelihood that employees refrain from helping other
organizational members in the presence of negative interferences by family obligations with their work
gets subdued when the associated resource depletion can be compensated for by the resource gains
that come with an Islamic work ethic (Hobfoll 2001). For example, employees with strong Islamic ethical
values experience personal joy from undertaking helping behaviors in the presence of challenging work
situations (Yousef 2001). Their enhanced propensity to gain valuable knowledge resources through their
interactions with like-minded peers further mitigates the translation of family-to-work conflict into
reduced helping behavior (Murtaza et al. 2016). Finally, Islamic ethical values function as personal
resources that make employees more innovative, finding novel ways to meet their formal job obligations
in the presence of significant family demands and still find time to help others voluntarily (Kumar and
Che Rose 2010). When they can draw on their Islamic ethical values, employees thus are better
positioned to engage in voluntary behaviors that improve the work situation of their organizational
peers, even in the presence of family-to-work conflict.

Limitations and Future Research

Some limitations of this study could be addressed by further research. First, in our cross-sectional
investigation, we focused on how family-to-work conflict influences helping behavior, with an
assumption of causality, but the relationship could be subject to reverse causality. When employees
help their peers undertake their job tasks, they may become energized (Podsakoff et al. 1997) and
perceive less work stress, regardless of their family obligations. Longitudinal research designs could
reveal the long-term, causal processes that link perceptions of family-to-work conflict with helping
behaviors and the role of Islamic ethical values in these processes.

Second, we considered only one, specific contingency factor, ignoring alternative potential buffers of the
negative relationship between family-to-work conflict and helping behaviors. Other personal factors also
could function as buffers, including employees’ creative self-efficacy (Tierney and Farmer 2002) or
resilience, which might enhance their ability to bounce back from adverse situations at home (Youssef
and Luthans 2007). Moreover, contextual factors likely determine whether resource depletion, due to
family obligations, diminishes helping behaviors, including whether employees believe they are
rewarded fairly by their organization (Colquitt et al. 2001) or whether they share similar work goals with
their peers (Nahapiet and Ghoshal 1998).

Third, this study centers on a sample of Pakistan-based organizations, so cultural factors may be
relevant. Even though our theoretical arguments are not specific to this country, Pakistani culture is
generally risk averse (Hofstede 2001), such that employees may be hesitant to go out of their way to
help coworkers on a voluntary basis if they lack confidence that they can meet their regular job
requirements. In this sense, the relative usefulness and impact of religion-based ethical values in
reducing the negative effects of family-to-work conflict on helping behavior may be more salient in our
study context than it would be in more risk-prone countries, such as Western cultures. Cross-country
comparisons could assess the relative importance of negative family-to-work interference for helping
behaviors, as well as the potency of underlying moderators in this process, in different cultural contexts.
Such comparisons also could reveal the potential buffering roles of ethical values inspired by religions
other than Islam.

Practical Implications

Our results show that the challenges stemming from family issues can have significant consequences for
employees’ helping behaviors; they particularly reveal the mitigating role of the personal resource of an
Islamic work ethic in this process. Helping behaviors can encourage peer success, as well as benefit the
organization and aid employees themselves. Yet significant barriers to such behaviors also arise,
including the belief that limited time is available to engage in voluntary assistance when dealing with a
highly demanding, resource-draining family life (Bragger et al. 2005). If organizations want to encourage
helping behavior in their ranks, they should seek to reduce the negative interference between family
and work. To reduce the likelihood that stress at home spills over to the workplace, organizations might
promote more family-friendly supervision (Wang et al. 2013) and install supportive work–life balance
measures (ten Brummelhuis and van der Lippe 2010).
Moreover, the results indicate that strong Islamic ethical work values may be particularly useful in
organizations that cannot avoid spillovers of family-related stress into the workplace. Organizations
should recognize that the escalation of family-to-work conflict, transforming into reduced helping
behaviors, is less likely among employees with strong Islamic ethical values, because these values
contribute to the satisfaction that employees derive from their behaviors in the presence of challenging
work conditions. People who score high on the Islamic work ethic also tend to be more involved in their
work, so they are better able to identify opportunities for making themselves immune to the negative
spillovers of family obligations to the workplace, leaving more room for them to resolve the problems
their colleagues might experience (Ali and Al-Owaihan 2008). Organizations then might benefit from
predicting and assessing the personal satisfaction that employees derive from actively supporting their
colleagues in the presence of challenging situations, due to their religion-inspired ethical values. To
increase the likelihood that current and future employees who score high on Islamic ethical values
engage in helping behaviors, organizations also might highlight the vast array of opportunities for such
behaviors in different task areas, including those that interest each individual employee most.

Ethics in Organizations: Bridging Business Ethics and Behavioral Ethics

Introduction

Ethical decision-making is an essential aspect of organizational behavior and leadership, as individuals

within professional environments constantly face choices that carry moral and ethical consequences.
Despite the existence of formal codes of conduct, compliance systems, and monitoring mechanisms,
ethical lapses continue to occur across industries and cultures (Bazerman & Banaji, 2004; Schminke et
al., 2014). From corporate scandals such as Volkswagen’s emissions deception to Facebook’s misuse of
user data, these failures illustrate how unethical practices not only erode organizational integrity but
also undermine public trust, profitability, and social welfare (De Cremer, 2014).

As De Cremer et al. (2010b) note, ethical failures are an unavoidable reality for corporations and
societies alike, creating an urgent need to understand how such behavior arises and how it can be
mitigated. Over the past few decades, the study of ethics in organizations has evolved from a primarily
philosophical inquiry under the umbrella of business ethics into a multidisciplinary field encompassing
psychology, management, and behavioral science. This transition has given rise to the field of behavioral
ethics, which seeks to explain why even well-intentioned individuals engage in unethical acts (Bazerman
& Gino, 2012; Moore & Gino, 2015). This paper examines how business ethics and behavioral ethics
intersect, tracing their conceptual evolution and highlighting their joint role in understanding and
managing ethical conduct in organizations.

Lit

1. The Evolution of Business Ethics

The field of business ethics emerged as a response to rising concerns about moral behavior in corporate
contexts. Ferrell et al. (2008) define business ethics as the study of whether particular business practices
are morally acceptable. Early work in this domain adopted a prescriptive or normative approach,
grounded in moral philosophy and concerned primarily with how individuals should behave (Treviño &
Weaver, 1994). Drawing on paradigms such as utilitarianism, deontology, and virtue ethics, prescriptive
business ethics emphasized rational choice and moral reasoning as the foundation of ethical conduct
(De Cremer & Vandekerckhove, 2017).

While this approach offered strong philosophical grounding, it struggled to explain why individuals
knowingly engage in unethical behavior despite understanding moral standards. The assumption that
good people always act ethically and bad people always act unethically—often reinforced by the halo
and horns effects—proved overly simplistic (Rest, 1986; Reynolds et al., 2014). As organizations
continued to experience ethical lapses, scholars began to recognize the need for frameworks that
account for nonrational, situational, and subconscious influences on ethical decision-making.

2. The Eme

Behavioral ethics arose from this recognition, offering an alternative perspective grounded in social
psychology and behavioral economics. It focuses on understanding why people who view themselves as
moral can nevertheless behave unethically (Gino et al., 2011; Shalvi et al., 2011). Rather than attributing
misconduct solely to character flaws, behavioral ethics investigates cognitive biases, moral
disengagement, and self-serving rationalizations that allow individuals to justify unethical actions while
preserving a positive self-image (Ariely, 2012; Moore & Loewenstein, 2004).

Unlike business ethics, which takes a normative stance, behavioral ethics is descriptive—it seeks to
explain what people actually doadviseshould do(

3. Well

The interdisciplinary nature of behavioral ethics has fostered its integration into organizational behavior
(OB), creating the broader field of behavioral business ethics. This synthesis links social-psychological
insights about ethical cognition with managerial approaches to ethics implementation (Brief, 2012). The
work of Messick and Tenbrunsel (1996) in Codes of Conduct laid the foundation for behavioral business
ethics by demonstrating how psychological processes influence ethical judgment. Treviño and Weaver
(2003) further advanced this field by connecting ethical management practices—such as leadership,
culture, and control systems—to business outcomes. Later, De Cremer and Tenbrunsel (2012) provided
a comprehensive framework that unified behavioral and business ethics under one conceptual umbrella.

Organizational behavior scholars analyze ethics through three lenses: intrapersonal,interpersonal, and
the levels (Bazerman & Gino, 2012; Tenbrunsel & Chugh, 2015). At the intrapersonal level, research
examines cognitive and emotional processes that shape moral reasoning, such as moral licensing and
identity-based motivations. At the interpersonal level, studies explore the influence of leadership, power
dynamics, and social norms on ethical conduct (Rupp et al., 2014). Finally, the organizational level
considers broader structural elements—such as ethical culture, reward systems, and institutional
controls—that impact moral behavior (Treviño et al., 2014). Together, these levels form a
comprehensive framework for understanding how ethical and unethical behaviors emerge and persist
within complex organizational systems.

4. Integration of Approaches

Table 1 in the reviewed literature distinguishes two dominant OB research traditions: experimental
social psychology and betrayed. The former investigates why good people commit unethical acts, often
through controlled laboratory experiments that highlight situational triggers (Desai & Kouchaki, 2016).
The latter focuses on how organizations can manage ethical behavior effectively, often through field
studies examining leadership, culture, and compliance systems. Integrating these perspectives allows for
a more holistic understanding of ethical conduct—connecting why unethical behavior arises with how it
can be prevented and four outcomes it produces (De Cremer & Tenbrunsel, 2012).

This integration underscores the importance of moving beyond viewing ethical behavior as solely an
individual choice. Instead, ethics must be understood as an emergent property of individuals interacting
within organizational and societal contexts. A behavioral lens enables leaders and policymakers to
design interventions that address both the psychological and structural antecedents of ethical failure.

## *Introduction*

In the modern corporate world, ethics and moral responsibility have become central to organisational
success and sustainability. The increasing visibility of unethical practices through the rapid spread of
social media and global communication has placed leaders under constant scrutiny. The twenty-first-
century workplace demands that organisations uphold strong ethical standards to maintain stakeholder
trust and long-term performance (Walumbwa & Schaubroeck, 2009). When leaders engage in unethical
behaviour, it can have a devastating impact not only on the organisation’s reputation but also on
employee motivation, customer loyalty, and overall productivity. A well-known example is the
Volkswagen emissions scandal, which demonstrated how unethical leadership can quickly erode
credibility and cause extensive financial and reputational damage (Walter, Ruddick, & Farrel, 2015).

Organisational ethics, particularly ethical leadership, has therefore become a focal point for both
scholars and practitioners. Ethical leadership refers to leaders who act with honesty, fairness,
transparency, and responsibility, thereby setting an example for others to follow (Brown, Treviño, &
Harrison, 2005). Leaders play a central role in shaping workplace ethics culture, influencing how
employees perceive their organisation and their role within it. When employees trust their leaders and
believe that ethical values are genuinely practiced, they are more likely to be engaged, motivated, and
committed to their work (Mitonga-Monga & Cilliers, 2015).

Employee engagement has emerged as a key driver of organisational performance. Engaged employees
are more energetic, emotionally connected to their work, and willing to go beyond their job
descriptions. However, engagement cannot thrive in an environment where ethical principles are
ignored or compromised. A workplace culture that values fairness, accountability, and transparency is
essential for sustaining employee enthusiasm and involvement (Huhtala, Tolvanen, Muano, & Feldt,
2014).

Although extensive research has been conducted in Western and Asian contexts, there remains a
shortage of evidence from developing countries, especially those facing corruption, instability, and weak
governance structures (Yasin Ghadi, Fernando, & Caputi, 2013; Gom, Jiony, Tanakinjal, & Siganul, 2015).
The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) represents one such context, where organisations often
face systemic ethical challenges. The DRC’s transport sector, particularly its railway system, struggles
with corruption, mismanagement, and inadequate infrastructure (Mmimele, 2014). These factors make
it crucial to examine how ethical leadership can mediate the relationship between workplace ethics
culture and employee engagement.

This study, therefore, seeks to explore the mediating effect of ethical leadership on the relationship
between workplace ethics culture and work engagement among employees in a railway transport
organisation in the DRC. Understanding this relationship can provide valuable insights into how
leadership behaviour can enhance ethical standards and employee engagement in developing contexts.

---

## *Literature Review*
### *Ethical Leadership*

Ethical leadership is defined as the demonstration of normatively appropriate conduct through personal
actions and interpersonal relationships, and the promotion of such conduct among followers through
communication and decision-making (Brown et al., 2005). Ethical leaders influence followers not only
through direct instructions but also by serving as moral role models. Their actions, integrity, and
commitment to fairness shape the ethical tone of the organisation.

According to *social learning theory* (Bandura, 1977; Brown & Treviño, 2006), individuals learn ethical
standards by observing credible and respected figures in their environment. Leaders who demonstrate
honesty, fairness, and concern for others become role models whom employees are likely to emulate.
This modelling process fosters a shared understanding of what constitutes acceptable behaviour,
thereby strengthening ethical culture. Similarly, *social exchange theory* (Blau, 1964; Gouldner, 1960)
explains that when employees perceive fair and supportive behaviour from leaders, they reciprocate
through positive attitudes and increased engagement.

Ethical leadership also incorporates elements of transformational and authentic leadership, as it focuses
on values, morality, and the development of followers (Bass, 1985; Avolio & Gardner, 2005). Ethical
leaders encourage open communication, create trust, and ensure that employees feel psychologically
safe. This sense of safety promotes engagement, as employees are more willing to invest their energy
and emotions when they believe their leaders act with integrity (Avey, Wernsing, & Palanski, 2012;
Demirtas & Akdogan, 2014).

In developing countries, ethical leadership plays an even more critical role. Due to socio-economic
instability and weak governance, employees may frequently encounter unethical practices such as
bribery, nepotism, and corruption. In such contexts, ethical leaders act as stabilising forces who
reinforce organisational values and protect employees from unethical pressures. They help create
fairness and trust, which can significantly influence employee engagement and performance.

---

### *Workplace Ethics Culture*

Workplace ethics culture refers to the shared system of values, beliefs, and expectations that guide
ethical behaviour within an organisation (Kaptein, 2009). It represents how an organisation prevents
unethical conduct and encourages ethical decision-making through both formal and informal
mechanisms. A strong ethics culture helps employees understand what is acceptable and what is not,
even in the absence of direct supervision.

Kaptein (2009) identified *eight key virtues* that constitute an ethical culture:

1. *Clarity* – ensuring that ethical expectations are clear and understandable.

2. *Congruency of management and supervisors* – leaders and managers act consistently with ethical
values.

3. *Feasibility* – employees have the time and resources to act ethically.

4. *Supportability* – the organisation fosters trust and mutual respect.

5. *Transparency* – behaviour and consequences are visible and open to scrutiny.

6. *Discussability* – employees can openly discuss ethical concerns.

7. *Sanctionability* – ethical behaviour is rewarded, and unethical acts are punished.

When these virtues are present, employees perceive their organisation as fair, responsible, and
supportive. Ethical culture also strengthens employees’ psychological connection to their work,
increasing their commitment and engagement (Huhtala et al., 2014).

Leaders play a vital role in cultivating ethical culture. They model appropriate behaviour, create
platforms for ethical discussions, and hold others accountable for misconduct (Eisenbeiß & Giessner,
2015). When leaders demonstrate consistency between words and actions, employees are more likely
to trust them and adopt ethical behaviour themselves. In contrast, a lack of ethical leadership can create
confusion and moral disengagement, reducing employees’ willingness to invest effort and energy into
their work.

---

### *Work Engagement*

Work engagement is a positive, fulfilling, and work-related psychological state characterised by *vigour,
**dedication, and **absorption* (Schaufeli, Salanova, González-Romá, & Bakker, 2002).
* *Vigour* refers to energy, mental resilience, and persistence in one’s tasks.

* *Dedication* involves enthusiasm, pride, and a sense of significance in work.

* *Absorption* is the state of being deeply engrossed in one’s job to the point where time passes
quickly.

Engaged employees are proactive, innovative, and emotionally committed to their organisation.
Research shows that work engagement leads to improved job performance, lower turnover, and higher
employee satisfaction (Halbesleben & Wheeler, 2008).

Ethical workplace practices play a major role in promoting engagement. When employees perceive
fairness, respect, and justice in their organisation, they are more likely to be motivated and dedicated
(Huhtala et al., 2011). Conversely, unethical behaviour, favouritism, or corruption can result in
frustration, cynicism, and disengagement. Ethical leadership thus acts as a crucial intermediary that
translates ethical culture into engagement by promoting trust and fairness (Mitonga-Monga & Cilliers,
2015).

Employees who view their leaders as honest, supportive, and consistent tend to report higher vigour
and dedication. Ethical leaders also encourage open communication, which allows employees to express
concerns and feel valued. Such an environment fosters not only engagement but also organisational
commitment and loyalty.

---

### *The DRC Work Context*

The Democratic Republic of the Congo provides a unique context for studying ethics and engagement
because of its complex socio-economic environment. With ongoing political instability, corruption, and
economic inequality, many organisations in the DRC face significant challenges in maintaining ethical
standards. The country ranks among the lowest in global governance and business performance indexes,
reflecting deep structural problems (Messner et al., 2015).

The railway transport sector, in particular, faces multiple obstacles such as outdated equipment, poor
working conditions, and misuse of resources (Mmimele, 2014). Leadership styles are often authoritarian,
with limited transparency and employee participation in decision-making. As a result, employees may
experience low morale and disengagement. These conditions make it important to investigate how
ethical leadership might help restore integrity and foster engagement in such environments.

The study draws on theories of social learning and social exchange to explain how ethical leadership can
strengthen the relationship between ethics culture and engagement. In a context where ethical
standards are often compromised, ethical leaders can demonstrate alternative, positive behaviours that
employees can model. They can also build mutual trust and reciprocity, creating a more committed and
engaged workforce. The findings from this research could provide valuable guidance for policymakers
and human resource practitioners in similar developing contexts.

---

### *Conceptual Framework and Rationale*

The conceptual model underlying this study proposes that workplace ethics culture influences work
engagement both *directly* and *indirectly* through *ethical leadership*. The model assumes that
when organisations establish a strong ethical foundation—through clear rules, fairness, and
accountability—employees perceive the workplace as just and supportive. However, this relationship is
strengthened when leaders actively promote ethical behaviour and serve as moral role models.

Ethical leadership acts as the *mediator*, translating organisational ethics into daily practice and
shaping employees’ attitudes and behaviour. Through modelling, communication, and reinforcement,
leaders ensure that ethical values become embedded in the organisation’s culture. Employees who
perceive their leaders as ethical are more likely to show higher levels of vigour, dedication, and
absorption.

This framework is grounded in *social learning theory* (Bandura, 1986), which posits that employees
emulate behaviours they observe in credible leaders, and *social exchange theory* (Blau, 1964), which
explains that fair treatment by leaders encourages employees to reciprocate with loyalty and
engagement. Together, these theories suggest that ethical leadership not only promotes ethical
behaviour but also enhances employee engagement through mutual respect and trust.

---

### *Summary of Literature Review*

In summary, previous research demonstrates that ethical leadership and workplace ethics culture are
powerful predictors of positive employee outcomes. Ethical leadership fosters trust, fairness, and
accountability, which strengthen employees’ connection to their work. A strong ethics culture supports
employees in making moral decisions and promotes organisational integrity. Work engagement thrives
in such an environment, as employees feel respected, valued, and inspired.

However, much of the existing research originates from developed economies. The dynamics between
these variables in developing nations like the DRC—where corruption, instability, and weak
organisational systems are prevalent—remain underexplored. By examining the mediating role of
ethical leadership, this study contributes to filling that gap. It aims to show how ethical leaders can serve
as the bridge between a strong workplace ethics culture and enhanced employee engagement,
ultimately supporting organisational effectiveness and national development.

---

Would you like me to continue this same natural writing style for the *Methodology and Results*
sections next (around 3–4 more pages), so it all matches seamlessly for your submission?

# *Introduction*

In today’s fast-changing and competitive world of work, organizations are constantly seeking ways to
enhance employee performance and maintain high levels of commitment among their staff. While
financial rewards and career advancement opportunities are important, they are not always sufficient to
ensure consistent performance and long-term loyalty. In many cases, employees look for deeper
meaning and moral guidance in their work. This is where the concept of work ethics becomes crucial.
Work ethics provide the moral framework that influences how individuals perceive their duties, treat
others, and approach their professional responsibilities.

In predominantly Muslim societies, Islamic Work Ethics (IWE) offer a distinctive perspective that
integrates moral conduct, social responsibility, and spiritual consciousness. IWE originates from the
teachings of the Qur’an and the Sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), which
encourage individuals to work diligently, honestly, and with sincerity as an act of worship. In Islam, work
is not only a means of earning livelihood but also a spiritual responsibility that contributes to the welfare
of society and the fulfillment of religious obligations (Ali, 1992). Therefore, the concept of IWE promotes
a balanced life where worldly success and spiritual satisfaction go hand in hand.

Modern organizations operating in Muslim-majority countries are increasingly recognizing the value of
incorporating Islamic ethics into their management practices. These ethics are not merely religious
rituals but practical principles that guide behavior and decision-making in the workplace. They foster a
sense of fairness, teamwork, trust, and accountability — elements that directly impact employee
performance and productivity (Rokhman, 2016). When employees view their work as an act of worship
and service to Allah, they tend to perform with greater dedication and sincerity, leading to both
personal fulfillment and organizational success (Hayati & Caniago, 2012).

However, in many developing countries, including Indonesia, ethical violations such as corruption,
favoritism, and dishonesty still exist in both public and private organizations. These challenges indicate
the need for stronger ethical foundations that align with local cultural and religious values. By promoting
Islamic Work Ethics, organizations can nurture a sense of moral responsibility and create a more
trustworthy and productive work environment (Yousef, 2001).

Although several studies have examined the relationship between work ethics and employee
performance, there is still limited research that specifically investigates how Islamic motivation, affective
commitment, and job satisfaction mediate this relationship. Islamic motivation refers to the internal
drive that arises from faith and consciousness of Allah, encouraging employees to perform their duties
sincerely and avoid unethical conduct (Ahmad, 2009). Affective commitment, on the other hand, reflects
the emotional attachment that employees develop toward their organization, while job satisfaction
indicates the level of contentment and happiness they derive from their work (Meyer & Allen, 1991).

The present study aims to explore how Islamic Work Ethics influence employee performance, focusing
on the mediating roles of Islamic motivation, job satisfaction, and affective commitment. Understanding
these relationships is important because employees who are both ethically grounded and spiritually
motivated are more likely to contribute positively to organizational growth. Moreover, studying this
topic within the context of a Muslim-majority country like Indonesia provides an opportunity to enrich
the global discussion on ethical leadership and employee engagement by introducing an Islamic
perspective.

---

# *Literature Review*
## *1. Concept of Islamic Work Ethics*

Islamic Work Ethics (IWE) are derived from Islamic teachings that emphasize justice, honesty,
trustworthiness, and responsibility in all aspects of life, including work. The Qur’an and Hadith provide
clear guidance on the importance of hard work and the prohibition of laziness or deceit. Prophet
Muhammad (PBUH) encouraged Muslims to be industrious, stating that “the best earning is from the
work of one’s own hands.” This principle highlights that work is not merely a source of income but a
means to serve humanity and seek Allah’s blessings (Ali & Al-Owaihan, 2008).

According to Ali (1992), IWE are based on the belief that dedication to work is a virtue and that
economic activities should contribute to both personal development and social welfare. Employees
guided by Islamic values tend to demonstrate sincerity (ikhlas), excellence (ihsan), trust (amanah), and
justice (adl) in their professional conduct. These principles promote an environment of mutual respect
and cooperation, enhancing both individual and collective performance.

Several studies have supported the positive impact of IWE on workplace outcomes. Rokhman (2016)
found that employees who internalize Islamic ethical principles show higher commitment, better job
performance, and stronger motivation. Similarly, Hayati and Caniago (2012) reported that IWE positively
influence intrinsic motivation and employee satisfaction. These findings suggest that ethical work
practices grounded in faith not only strengthen moral behavior but also enhance productivity and
organizational harmony.

---

## *2. Islamic Motivation*

Motivation is the psychological process that drives individuals to act toward achieving goals. In an
Islamic context, motivation extends beyond material rewards and focuses on spiritual fulfillment. It is
rooted in the belief that all actions should be performed with the right intention (niyyah) to seek Allah’s
pleasure (Ahmad, 2009). The Qur’an emphasizes that every individual will be rewarded according to
their intentions and efforts: “And that there is not for man except that [good] for which he strives”
(Surah An-Najm, 53:39).

Islamic motivation encourages employees to work with sincerity, discipline, and a sense of
accountability to God. This form of motivation fosters intrinsic satisfaction and reduces unethical
behavior because employees believe they are answerable not only to their employers but also to Allah.
According to Khair et al. (2016), Islamic motivation is driven by elements such as taqwa (piety), ihsan
(excellence), and amanah (trustworthiness). These values strengthen the sense of purpose in work and
enhance emotional commitment.

Empirical evidence shows that Islamic motivation positively affects job performance and satisfaction.
Gheitani et al. (2019) demonstrated that employees who are spiritually motivated exhibit higher
commitment and loyalty. Likewise, Cader (2016) emphasized that Islamic motivation supports moral
decision-making, leading to ethical work behavior and improved performance.

---

## *3. Affective Commitment*

Affective commitment refers to the emotional bond that employees develop with their organization. It
represents the desire to remain part of an organization due to shared values, trust, and identification
with its goals (Meyer & Allen, 1991). Employees who feel emotionally connected are more likely to go
beyond their job descriptions and engage in organizational citizenship behaviors.

In Islamic contexts, affective commitment is closely tied to the moral and ethical environment of the
workplace. When employees work in an environment that aligns with their faith and values, they
experience a deeper emotional connection to their organization. Harwiki (2016) found that ethical
leadership, particularly one that reflects Islamic values, enhances employees’ affective commitment.
Similarly, Astuty and Udin (2020) discovered that Islamic leadership practices promote loyalty and
satisfaction, which, in turn, improve performance.

Thus, affective commitment serves as a bridge between ethical principles and behavioral outcomes.
Employees who are both ethically aware and emotionally attached to their organization are more
engaged, cooperative, and productive.

---

## *4. Job Satisfaction*

Job satisfaction is another crucial factor that links work ethics and performance. It refers to the positive
emotional state resulting from the appraisal of one’s job experiences (Locke, 1969). Employees who are
satisfied with their work environment are more likely to exhibit higher morale, motivation, and
productivity (Greenberg & Baron, 2003).

In an Islamic framework, job satisfaction is influenced not only by external rewards such as salary or
promotion but also by internal factors like ethical conduct, justice, and faith. When employees believe
that their organization upholds fairness and moral integrity, they feel valued and content. Nasution and
Rafiki (2019) observed that Islamic Work Ethics significantly enhance job satisfaction by promoting
honesty and cooperation. Similarly, Hayati and Caniago (2012) found that employees who perceive their
work as a form of worship report greater satisfaction and commitment.

---

## *5. Employee Performance*

Employee performance refers to the degree to which employees achieve organizational objectives
through efficiency, quality, and innovation. It involves not only completing assigned tasks but also
demonstrating responsibility, creativity, and teamwork (Bommer et al., 1995). Performance is affected
by various factors, including motivation, job satisfaction, and leadership (Walumbwa et al., 2011).

Islamic Work Ethics play a significant role in shaping performance because they instill a sense of
purpose, discipline, and accountability. Shafique et al. (2015) noted that when employees internalize
Islamic values, they perform their duties with sincerity and avoid unethical behavior such as dishonesty
or negligence. Furthermore, organizations that foster ethical and spiritual development tend to
experience lower absenteeism, higher morale, and improved overall productivity.

---

## *6. Interrelationship among Variables*

The literature suggests a strong interconnection between Islamic Work Ethics, Islamic motivation,
affective commitment, job satisfaction, and employee performance. IWE serves as the foundation that
shapes employee behavior and attitude. Through Islamic motivation, employees derive meaning and
spiritual satisfaction from their work, which strengthens their emotional commitment to the
organization (Gheitani et al., 2019). This emotional bond increases job satisfaction and, consequently,
enhances performance (Hayati & Caniago, 2012).
In other words, IWE does not influence performance directly alone but also indirectly through mediating
factors. Employees guided by ethical and spiritual principles are not only motivated to work harder but
also to maintain integrity and dedication. The integration of moral and motivational elements thus
creates a holistic model of employee performance improvement, especially within Islamic organizational
contexts.

---

## *7. Research Gap and Objectives*

While a number of studies have explored Islamic Work Ethics and their relationship with motivation or
performance, there is still a gap in understanding how these relationships operate together in a single
framework. Many previous studies have examined one or two variables in isolation without addressing
how Islamic motivation, job satisfaction, and affective commitment interact simultaneously as
mediators. Moreover, most existing research has been conducted in Middle Eastern countries, with
relatively fewer studies focusing on Southeast Asian contexts such as Indonesia, where Islamic culture is
deeply rooted in local traditions.

The present study seeks to address this gap by developing and testing a comprehensive model that
examines the mediating roles of Islamic motivation, affective commitment, and job satisfaction in the
relationship between Islamic Work Ethics and employee performance. The objectives of this study are:

1. To determine the direct effect of Islamic Work Ethics on employee performance.

2. To examine the mediating role of Islamic motivation between Islamic Work Ethics and performance.

3. To analyze how affective commitment and job satisfaction contribute to this relationship.

4. To provide practical implications for organizations aiming to integrate Islamic values into their
management systems.

By achieving these objectives, the study aims to contribute to the growing field of Islamic management
and human resource development by offering a model that connects ethical values, psychological
factors, and performance outcomes in a culturally relevant manner.
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